Tagged: Charlie Baker
There is no question that Massachusetts generally, and the Boston area in particular, is mired in an affordable housing crisis. Renters and would-be buyers are heavily burdened with disproportionate housing costs and are forced to compete for a limited supply of units. As of 2019, Massachusetts rental costs climbed to the third highest in the nation, surpassed only by California and Hawaii, making this the rare occasion in which beating New York isn’t something to celebrate. To increase housing, the state must address the burdensome rules that hinder the development of new units; especially multifamily homes. One possible solution is the proposed Housing Choices Act.
Though there are many facets to this issue and no simple solution, Gov. Charlie Baker is focusing on attacking the restrictive zoning rules and arduous permitting processes. Gov. Baker argues these rules are causing shortfalls in housing stock, driving up prices as demand far outstrips supply. Gov. Baker’s bill, the Housing Choices Act, was stalled throughout 2019, until late December when it was referred to the House committee of Ways and Means.
The Act has garnered the support of organizations such as the Boston Medical Center, Real Estate Bar Association, Massachusetts Municipal Association, Massachusetts Association of Community Development Corporations, Metro Housing Boston, and many more.
Gov. Baker’s administration has set a target of building 135,000 new housing units by 2025 and the Governor believes rezoning to allow more multifamily construction is a key piece in increasing housing production. Since 2017, Gov. Baker’s Housing Choices Initiative has incentivized municipalities to help meet this target by providing grants to support housing construction, but access to those grants still requires communities to vote in favor of rezoning. The Housing Choices Act would simplify rezoning by reducing the threshold of votes needed to pass certain kinds of progressive, production-oriented zoning changes in Massachusetts municipalities from two-thirds to a straight majority vote. Massachusetts is among the few states which require a supermajority for these kinds of zoning votes. The Governor calls the Housing Choice Act a “critical” piece of legislation in pursuit of production goals because it will ease that rezoning process.
Among the zoning changes to which the new straight majority vote would apply are the adoption of “smart-growth” districts under Ch. 40R, which governs…. “Smart growth” includes the construction of multi-family buildings, special permits for high-density construction, the reduction of size and parking requirements, transit-oriented projects with a set percentage of affordable units, and permission to construct accessory dwelling units.
Criticism: Too Narrow or Too Broad?
Critics such as Darnell Johnson, regional coordinator at Right to the City Boston, however, believe that the bill “ignore[es] the needs of working families” and will only lead to more luxury condos and other housing out of reach for most Massachusetts residents. Chris Norris, executive director Metro Housing Boston, concurs, and points out that with 250,000 low-income households forced to spend upwards of 50% of their income on rent, “incentives alone are not sufficient to product affordable housing.” Norris cites the fact that Ch. 40R was passed in 2004, was expected to generate 33,000 new units over ten years, and more than $20 million has been poured into its incentives. As of 2017, however, this law has produced only 3,500 units, less than half of which are designated as affordable.
Advocates within and without the Baker administration counter that this bill is not meant to be a panacea for housing woes but rather a step in the right direction. Clark Zeigler, executive director of the Massachusetts Housing Partnership, points out that right now good housing proposals are defeated despite winning majority support because of the current two-thirds voting requirements. Such was the case in Salem, where a measure to increase accessory dwelling units, one of the Housing Choice Act’s targets, won the majority, but not supermajority, and thus failed to pass. Salem Mayor Kim Driscoll supports Gov. Baker’s efforts to prevent situations like this, calling on local authorities to pursue a “strong partnership with state leaders.” Once this problem is solved, MHP and other affordable housing advocates can and will continue pushing for further means of providing relief to those overly burdened by housing costs. In an official statement, CHAPA (Citizens’ Housing and Planning Association) made its support of the Housing Choice Act clear for the same reasons. “Lowering the super majority threshold required for zoning changes will empower the simple majority of people in a community to vote ‘Yes’ for housing.” CHAPA sees the bill as an essential opportunity to help communities “encourage housing development and undo policies that prevent housing production and perpetuate segregation.”
Another source of criticism is a fear that the bill would inevitably cause unwanted and overly dense construction which will damage the character of older neighborhoods. Similarly, Rep. Smitty Pignatelli (D-4th Berk.) proposes that the switch to straight majority be predicated on local approval out of concern for state-level infringement on local autonomy. Sen. Brendan Crighton (D-Lynn), co-chairman of the Housing Committee, does not believe this is a real cause for concern, insisting that the bill “doesn’t take away any local control. . . [but rather] puts together a more common-sense approach that says a majority of folks can make a decision on the matter.” He sees this and similar legislation as crucial because Massachusetts’ housing production is half of what it was in the 1970s while rent has risen by 75% over the past twenty years.
Some communities, such as Needham and Springfield, believe they and some 70 other municipalities should be exempt from the bill because 10 percent or more of their housing stock already meets state “affordability” thresholds. Needham Select Board Chairman John Bulian sees requiring his town to comply would be penalizing it despite its having exceeded Massachusetts’ affordable housing percentage goals. Such complaints, however, seem to miss the larger picture of spurring more housing growth by enabling local residents greater control over their zoning through simplified zoning vote processes.
Massachusetts is in a housing crisis—one that can only be fixed by finding a way to build more housing. An important first step is to reform the rules and processes that restrict the needed housing units.
Before the Affordable Care Act (ACA), I did not have health insurance. My home state Florida did not mandate health insurance coverage for residents and my undergraduate university did not require me to have health insurance. In essence, I was a typical American in my early 20s. I did not think I needed health insurance, was not required to carry it, and could not afford it. Cost was the greatest factor: I did not have any income and Florida did not expand Medicaid. To my surprise, the ACA allowed me to have affordable health insurance for the first time as an adult. Now Congress is contemplating major changes to the ACA (or commonly called Obamacare), causing some governors, such as Charlie Baker (R-Massachusetts), to weigh in on the proposals. Despite the recent successful House repeal and replacement of the ACA, the Senate is now struggling to find a path forward under the budget reconciliation rules.
Just a few months ago, it looked as though changes to the ACA were inevitable given the unified Republican control of Congress and the Administration. Despite seven years of discussion of repeal, and more recently the repeal and replace vote, the future is still uncertain. Members of Congress who attended town hall meetings during the 4th of July break heard from many constituents who are deeply concerned with loss of coverage. Former House Speaker John Boehner recently said that Congress would not repeal and replace, but instead “fix” Obamacare. And now, the Senate is spinning its wheels.
The much-awaited House bill, the American Healthcare Act (the “AHCA”), was the first attempt at replacing the ACA. The AHCA would repeal tax penalties for people without health insurance, reduce federal insurance standards, cut subsidies for buying private insurance and establish new limits on spending for Medicaid. In their first attempt, Republicans failed to get their bill to reach the House floor for a vote. In spite of this defeat, the Trump Administration placed renewed pressure on Congress to revise the ACA. Ultimately, the House was able to pass the bill in its second try by adding $8 billion to help cover insurance costs for people with pre-existing conditions. However, the Senate cannot pass the House bill because Majority Leader McConnell must accommodate Republican senators from states that have expanded Medicaid under the ACA. These senators, with a statewide constituency, must consider what their state governors have to say on revisions to the ACA.
Congress' ACA replacement process included a request to the 50 governors for information. In response, Massachusetts Governor Baker sent a letter on the ACA’s impact on Massachusetts. Some commentators believe Governor Baker’s letter could carry extra weight because of his Republican party affiliation and his past work experience as chief executive of Harvard Pilgrim Health Care gives his suggestions and concerns greater authority.
In his letter, Governor Baker discussed the importance of the health sector to the Massachusetts economy; $19.77 billion, making it one of the leading industries in the state. Governor Baker also noted that the ACA was modeled after the Massachusetts system, which was intended to provide close to universal coverage for residents. Massachusetts has the highest percentage of insured residents in the U.S.— 96.4%. Just under 60% of the insured are covered through the employer-sponsored insurance market.
Governor Baker argued that lawmakers should not repeal the ACA, but revise it. One area in need of repair is the ability of individuals with employer provided insurance to switch to tax-payer subsidized health insurance; something half a million Massachusetts residents have done since 2011. As a result, Medicaid now accounts for close to 40% of the state’s budget. Since 2012, the percentage of Massachusetts residents on commercial insurance decreased by 7% while Medicaid enrollment increased by 7% and now insures 28% of the population. The original Massachusetts program did not allow this transfer, but the State was forced to comply with the introduction of the ACA. Now, this particular aspect of the ACA was straining the Massachusetts system and needed to be revised. Although Governor Baker offered reforms, he argued for maintaining several aspects of the law, such as the mandate requiring all residents to carry health insurance, which would allow stability within high-risk pools for insuring people who are sick.
The Governor continues to push the goal of universal health care coverage, but recognized such a goal was in jeopardy because of certain Congressional proposals. For instance, the letter expressed concern over a shift to block grants for Medicaid funding to the states. The Governor argues that a shift to block grants (or “per capita caps for Medicaid) would “remove flexibility from states” as the result of lower federal funding. Under current law, the federal government and state governments share in the financing and administration of Medicaid. According to the Congressional Budget Office, states typically pay health care providers for services to enrollees, and the federal government reimburses states for a percentage of their expenditures. Furthermore, all federal reimbursement for medical services is “open-ended” in other words, if a state spends more because enrollment increases or costs per enrollee rise, additional the federal government matches. Currently, Massachusetts is a 50/50 state, meaning that the federal government and Massachusetts divide the cost of providing health care for Medicaid recipients.
Despite Governor Baker position, the House passed AHCA creates a per capita-based cap on Medicaid payments for medical assistance. The per-capita caps would establish a limit on the amount of reimbursement the federal government provides to states. For instance, if a state spent more than the federally established limit on reimbursements, the federal government would not match the additional costs. The AHCA would punish Massachusetts low income residents and threaten the stability of the MassHealth system. Consequently, the changes to federal grants of funds could impact the Commonwealth’s goal of universal healthcare.
Today, Governor Baker—joined with nine other governors, including Gov. Sandoval (R-Nevada) and Gov. Kasich (R-Ohio) —sent another letter to the Senate urging it to correct the ACA's weaknesses without repealing the law or gutting Medicaid. The Governors wrote, "lasting reforms can only be achieved in an open, bipartisan fashion." The governors also called on the Senate to heed U.S. Sen. John McCain's, R-Arizona, impassioned plea to return to "regular order" and not continue the recent practice of hyper partisanship.
The governors are speaking; the question remains whether Congress is listening.