Evil is Not Born

We have come a long way since the days we gathered around to witness the execution of evil, or so it seems. We have spent so much time and money in hopes of understanding the human brain and for the most part, we were successful in gathering information, yet it does not seem we accomplished much with this success. Our nation, with only five percent of the world's population, contains twenty-five percent of the world's inmates. Have the criminals of the world migrated to the U.S. ? or are we in desperate need of a change?

We focus more on how we can label an individual in hopes of healing them, yet after the labeling process is done we lock them up only to repeat the cycle with the next generation of evil. When does one's behavior cross the line from being a criminal to becoming evil? With the first theft? Rape ? or murder? Or is it remorse, that indicates an evil soul? Serial killers are commonly referred to as evil yet there is a debate between how they have become evil. Was evil developed or were they born with it? The age-old question of nature vs. Nurture is brought up yet again. “Not all abused children become serial killers, and not all serial killers are victims of childhood abuse.” (N. Davies, 2018)

Is the second part of that statement entirely true? Ted Bundy, Commonly referred to as an evil psychopath is typically used as an example of one who was born evil and did not become evil due to his circumstances. This conclusion was made, due to Bundy’s reported “normal” childhood. However, it does not seem we have enough information on this matter. Bundy’s mother conceived him at a young age. She was sent to have her baby elsewhere and came back after delivery. There have been reports that Bundy’s mother did not initially come back with Bundy, rather decided to keep Bundy after a few months of abandoning him. Bundy was later told his mother was his sister and that his grandfather was his father. Bundy’s biological grandfather was reportedly violent and abusive. Also, there have also been reports that Bundy's mother attempted to abort him and was unsuccessful, which could have caused physical damage.

There is a strong possibility that Bundy had suffered trauma “Childhood trauma physically damages the brain by triggering toxic stress. Strong, frequent, and prolonged, toxic stress rewires several parts of the brain, altering their activity and influence over emotions and the body.”( J. Purnomo, 2020) There are also reports that Bundy was a fan of alcohol. While it's doubtful, alcohol caused the murders, is it possible that he actually drank to feel less? And does that imply, he did feel guilt? Based on biological, situational, and developmental factors, it seems he could have developed his evil behavior over time rather than being born evil. The more important question becomes, do we have the need to believe humans are born evil because the alternative is too horrific for our minds to digest?

References:

Bartol, C. R., & Bartol, A. M. (2021). Criminal behavior: A psychological approach. Boston: Pearson.

Cullen, F. T., Agnew, R., & Wilcox, P. (2018). Criminological Theory: Past to Present (Sixth ed.). New York: Oxford University Press.

From Abused Child to Serial Killer: Investigating Nature vs Nurture in Methods of Murder

https://www.psychiatryadvisor.com/home/topics/violence-and-aggression/from-abused-child-to-serial-killer-investigating-nature-vs-nurture-in-methods-of-murder/

Wired for Danger: The Effects of Childhood Trauma on the Brain

https://www.brainfacts.org/thinking-sensing-and-behaving/childhood-and-adolescence/2020/wired-for-danger-the-effects-of-childhood-trauma-on-the-brain-101920

School Shootings and the New Challenge

SCHOOL SHOOTINGS AND THE NEW CHALLENGE

November 14, 2019 was a Thursday. It was around 7:40 am.  As a homicide detective, one gets used to getting calls about tragic situations. The phone call was from a partner advising me there was a shooting happening at the high school ten minutes from my house. My partner was on his way there to find his child. My neighbor worked at the school. I have driven by the school weekly, and now it was a crime scene. Upon my arrival, the situation was chaotic. Parents were desperate to find their children. Law enforcement personnel from numerous agencies were pouring into the staging area to assist. Numerous helicopters circled overhead. Ambulances and fire personnel responded to the scene where children were screaming and crying. Backpacks and papers were strewn everywhere on campus. Three students were dead, three more were injured. Not here, not in my hometown.

Research indicates that school shootings in the United States outnumber all other countries combined (Bartol, 2021). That is not the kind of statistic any country wants to lead in. Like the majority of prior school shootings, the perpetrator of this shooting was a current student. Most school shooters have been bullied or socially ostracized at school (Bartol, 2021). This student wrote stories about being picked on. The offender in this shooting possessed several of the descriptive characteristics common among school shooters. He was male with above average grades and no history of mental illness. He was raised in a middle class, suburban neighborhood and had easy access to guns. He acted alone, but he did not tell or alert anyone of his intentions.

The typical political and news cycle followed. Non-stop coverage of a school shooting event. Experts were pontificating about the profile of the shooter. Political activists were using the issue to advocate for their agenda. Leaders engaged in hand wringing and virtue signaling which was followed by legislation couched with ambiguous and ineffective language.

Researchers can gather data on these tragic events and report that most of schools that suffered shootings with multiple victims were made up of a majority-white student body (Rowhani-Rahbar, 2019). Research can also provide the percentages of weapons of choice by the offender (Rowhani-Rahbar, 2019). But what is missing from these evaluations is a remedy.

After one school shooting, some researchers assembled and came up with a possible solution that did not rely primarily on gun control legislation. Not that some effective regulation might not make a difference, but with millions of firearms already inside U.S. homes, alternate measures had to be considered.

The researchers argued for school shootings to be approached like a public health issue (Astor, 2018). What these academicians came up with was in some respects the opposite of what one would expect. Instead of making schools a harder target, they advocated for a softening of schools. This idea comes at a time when there has been a rise in incivility on campus and a systemic coarsening in the overall environment. This concept revolved around lowering the climate within the school. This involves having more counselors and psychologists on campus as well as improving the communication between the adults and the students (Astor, 2018).  This plan also included more collaboration between the school and community mental health resources (Astor, 2018).

Another aspect of the public health approach leaned on prior research. Scholars surmised that identifying students with trauma in their backgrounds might mitigate in-school violence (Astor, 2018). Researchers reached back to the Kaiser Medical Center’s research on adverse childhood experience (ACE) and realized there was a correlation between students with higher ACE scores and negative health consequences, including high-risk behavior (Felitti et al., 1998). Some of the experienced adversity Kaiser researchers considered were under the rubric of abuse, neglect and household dysfunction (Felitti et al., 1998). The goal of softening a school’s profile, in addition to lowering the climate on campus, was to learn more about the students so as to place higher risk students in touch with community resources in an attempt to alleviate unhealthy outcomes. This area needs to be a priority as students are now going back to in-person classroom study.

It is hard to believe that 22 years after the Columbine high school shooting that the phenomenon still persists. School shootings are now an area of constant concern for educators. Administrators now have to balance student safety with academic achievement as their priority. School is supposed to be academically challenging, socially enjoyable and a time for personal growth. Students should not have to deal with the element of fear mixed in with their daily routines.

School shootings can have a traumatic effect on survivors (Rowhani-Rahbar, 2019). Almost two years after the school shooting in Saugus, California, one of the survivors I interviewed was diagnosed with PTSD. I am still in contact with his father and have learned that his academic performance has also suffered. The student is applying to colleges now and has expressed interest in becoming a psychologist. There is hope.

The challenge to American schools is now to make them safer and more effective. Part of that solution must rely on lowering the temperature on campuses and facilitating better relationships between students, teachers and mental health professionals. As we look ahead, educators must utilize their creative prowess and meet this challenge. The potential loss of civility and to the American education system is too high if they fail.

Works Cited

Ali Rowhani-Rahbar MD, P. (2019). School Shootings in the U.S.: What is the State of Evidence? Journal of Adolescent Health, 683-684.

Bartol, C. R. (2021). Criminal Behavior: A Psychological Approach (12th Ed.). Boston, MA: Pearson.

Ron Avi Astor Ph.D., G. G. (2018, February 28). Call for Action to Prevent Gun Violence in the United States of America. Retrieved from University of Virgina Youth Violence Project: https://education.virginia.edu/prevent-gun-violence

Vincent J. Felitti MD, R. F. (1998). Relationship of Childhood Abuse and Household Dysfunction to Many of the Leading Causes of Death in Adults. American Journal of Preventive Medicine Vo. 14 (4), 245-258.

Gender-Responsive Programming: Maternal and Child Health Policies & Programs for Female Offenders

This post serves as a review of Pendleton et al.’s (2020) research article, Corrections officers’ knowledge and perspectives of maternal and child health policies and programs for pregnant women in prison, as well as additional research and empirical literature on gender-responsive programming for female offenders within the carceral setting.  In the past three decades, the number of women placed in prison and jails has increased more than 750%, which is a rate twice as high as men (Equal Justice Initiative, 2020). Dr. Rousseau argues that to “foster effective policy and programming,” it is imperative to recognize the diverse nature of prison populations. Further, asserting that the national rate of women’s incarceration has been rising drastically since the mid-1990s and early 2000s because of a shift to mass incarceration and a focus on punishment over rehabilitation (Rousseau, 2021).  Despite the alarmingly high rate of women entering the carceral settings, many state and federal institutions severely lack gender-responsive programming to serve female offenders. As the female prison population has grown, Pendleton et al. (2020) note the growing need for gender-responsive policies and programs in carceral settings, including the development and implementation of programs that meet the unique needs of pregnant women in prison.

Perhaps most concerning is the limitation of services offered to pregnant inmates. Pendleton et al. (2020) assert that the United States has the largest population of incarcerated women globally, with 112,000 women housed in federal or state prisons and an additional 110,000 in jails (Pendleton et al., 2020). While national data regarding pregnancy is not routinely collected, recent studies argue that 3.8% of newly admitted women are pregnant, with nearly 1,400 women giving birth every year while incarcerated (Pendleton et al., 2020).

One of the more controversial practices against pregnant inmates is the use of shackles and restraints during labor and the birthing process. Of the more than 225,000 women incarcerated today, only 15% of them are housed in federal prison, where they are protected under the new federal prohibition on using restraints during pregnancy, labor, and postpartum recovery (Equal Justice Initiative, 2020). Ultimately, according to medical experts, the use of shackles poses a significant safety risk, including “the potential for injury or placental abruption caused by falls, delayed progress of labor caused by impaired mobility, and delayed receipt of emergency care when corrections officers must remove shackles to allow for assessment or intervention” (Equal Justice Initiative, 2020, 3). Furthermore, a 2017 report published by the American Psychological Association (APA) argues that the use of restraints during the transport of women to prenatal care and labor can obstruct necessary medical care. The risk of restraining female offenders is exacerbated during labor when the use of shackles can lead to an unnecessary amount of physical pain and increase the chance for complications due to the mother’s inability to move freely (Equal Justice Initiative, 2020).

Further, physicians have noted the increased difficulty, and, on occasion, their inability to “administer epidurals due to restraints, and in one documented case, a woman restrained during labor experienced a hip dislocation that caused permanent deformities and pain, stomach muscle tears, and an umbilical hernia” (Equal Justice Initiative, 2020, 4).  In addition to the traumatic and painful physical effects, incarcerated women experience severe mental distress, with restrained women reporting depression and anguish, as well as the exacerbation of pregnancy-related mental health problems, including postpartum depression and post-traumatic stress disorder (Equal Justice Initiative, 2020). This is especially concerning according to the psychiatrist, Dr. Terry Kupers, who argues that incarcerated women have a greater propensity to have suffered from childhood traumas; and the experience of being shackled “can increase post-traumatic symptoms caused by prior experiences of trauma. This re-traumatizing experience, he said, ‘makes conditions like post-traumatic stress disorder much worse’” (Equal Justice Initiative, 2020, 7). This is supported by Pendleton et al. (2020), who asserts that “medical contraindications to the use of restraints include interfering with balance and increasing the risk of falls, causing delays during medical emergencies, limiting mobility which can make labor more difficult, and impeding mother and infant bonding” (Pendleton et al., 2020, 2).

Regarding the comparison to male inmates, Dr. Rousseau argues that women in prison have a higher likelihood of having a history of physical or sexual abuse. Further, they are usually the primary caretakers of young children or may even be pregnant when entering the criminal justice system or suffering from postpartum depression (Rousseau, 2021). Similarly, women entering the criminal justice system are at a heightened risk of facing serious mental illness in comparison to their male counterparts: “A larger percentage of women are diagnosed with major depression and anxiety disorders, especially PTSD. A majority of women in the system (up to 70%, possibly even more) report a history of abuse as a child or adult” (Rousseau, 2021, 4.5). Similarly, Kupers’ (1999) book “Prison Madness: The Mental Health Crisis Behind Bars and What We Must Do About It” argues that since a “significant proportion of women prisoners were sexually abused as children, and quite a few of this group have substance abuse problems, it is not surprising to find that many are depressed” (Kupers, 1999, 23). Ultimately, Kupers (1999) argues that the themes of “childhood abuse, domestic violence, drugs, and depression are omnipresent in the stories of women prisoners who suffer from serious psychiatric disorders” (Kupers, 1999, 24).

Despite the mounting and robust evidence of the danger to the mother and child, 23 states do not have laws prohibiting the use of shackles for incarcerated pregnant women, despite most women serving time for nonviolent offenses. A 2019 study suggests that pregnant incarcerated women are shackled far more often, finding that “83% of perinatal nurses who cared for incarcerated women during pregnancy, or the postpartum period reported that shackles were used on their patients sometimes to all of the time, and 12.3% reported that their patients were always shackled. In a third of cases, the only reason cited for shackling was adherence to a rule or protocol” (Equal Justice Initiative, 2020, 9).

Ultimately, while the same study found that corrections officers (COs) often assert that unrestrained incarcerated women pose flight or public safety risks, the APA argues that there is no record of escape for any unrestrained incarcerated women (Equal Justice Initiative, 2020). The role of the CO is significant to determine gender-responsive strategies for pregnant women. As the largest occupational group within prisons, COs have unique perspectives on the success of gender-responsive strategies. Pendleton et al. (2020) assert that despite the COs’ responsibility of monitoring pregnant women in prison, as well as during labor and birth, their knowledge and perception of maternal and child health (MCH) policies and practices are largely unknown.

As such, in response to the lack of empirical research on prison COs’ knowledge on MCH programs, as well as the impact of such policies on COs’ primary job responsibility of maintaining safety and security, Pendleton et al. (2020) conducted a mixed-methods study “to understand COs’ knowledge and perceptions of programs and policies that support pregnant women in prison, with a specific emphasis on understanding COs’ perceptions of the [Minnesota Prison Doula Program (MnPDP)], a unique MCH program at the prison in which the research was conducted” (Pendleton et al., 2020, 3). Doulas are trained “companions” who support incarcerated pregnant women. While a handful of states employ doula programs, Pendleton et al. (2020) examined the MnPDP, which provides weekly parenting classes and one-on-one doula support to incarcerated women. Many prison systems, including Minnesota, do not allow family members or friends to attend the birth of an incarcerated women’s child; as such, Pendleton et al. (2020) argue that doulas are individuals who are “trained and experienced in childbirth who [provide] continuous physical, emotional, and informational support to the mother before, during and just after the birth,” doulas provide in-person support that pregnant women in prison cannot receive from family members or friends during labor and delivery” (Pendleton et al., 2020, 2).

The Pendleton et al. (2020) study was conducted with COs in the MnPDP through an online survey and in-person interviews to gain comprehensive qualitative and quantitative data. COs reviewed their knowledge and perspectives on policies available to pregnant women at the prison and whether policies had changed over time. The study’s findings add to the growing body of evidence that implementation of doula programs in carceral facilities have “CO support and may reduce job demands and stress for COs” (Pendleton et al., 2020, 9). Ultimately, the findings from this study suggest that MCH policies and programs for pregnant women also benefit COs by “reducing role conflict [which] may lead to higher CO approval and willingness to implement” (Pendleton et al., 2020, 9). For instance, 84% of COs agreed that the prison “provides the same standard of care or better care for pregnant offenders as the care non-incarcerated women would receive” (Pendleton et al., 2020, 4). Further, 34% of COs disagreed that “pregnant women should not be treated any differently than other women in prison,” and 76% disagreed that pregnant women should be restrained during labor and delivery (Pendleton et al., 2020, 4).

From the in-person interviews, the following five themes were derived from the comments made by COs:

“1) COs recognized that pregnancy poses a unique challenge to maintaining professional boundaries in prison; 2) COs perceived the prison doula program as benefitting pregnant women, infants, and their own work as COs; 3) Lack of training about the prison doula program made COs’ jobs more difficult; 4) COs had positive perceptions of the policy prohibiting the use of restraints on pregnant women in addition to concerns about policy implementation; 5) COs’ expressed varied perceptions of health services available to pregnant women” (Pendleton et al., 2020, 5).

COs also recognized that pregnancy poses a unique challenge to maintaining professional boundaries, as isolation from social support, as well as the lack of physical comforts, and separation from their infants can result in difficult conditions for women. The disconnect between empathy and professionalism was expressed by one officer, who noted that “there’s a natural barrier for me, where I can’t empathize with the offenders past a certain point, past a point that for me feels like a breach of professionalism” (Pendleton et al., 2020, 6). Similarly, another CO stated, “Anybody with any compassion wants to do something for her ‘Can I get you anything? Can I do anything?’, but in our job capacity we, I, shouldn’t be doing anything” (Pendleton et al., 2020, 6). Ultimately, the challenge to COs to remain professional is mitigated by MCH programs that include doulas. Doulas provided support to pregnant women outside of the COs’ job responsibilities, which dually allowed inmates to be supported while the COs maintained public safety.

Despite the aforementioned benefits of MCH programs and policies, there are noted limitations. For instance, many COs have argued that the lack of training on prison doula programs has created unnecessary difficulties in performing their job responsibilities. There is a significant lack of formal training: “COs stated that they had no knowledge of, or input into, the prison doula program when it began at the prison in 2010. Most COs expressed surprise or confusion regarding their first interactions with doulas” (Pendleton et al., 2020, 7). Ultimately, the lack of training added “awkwardness, uncertainty, and stress at the hospital” (Pendleton et al., 2020, 7) Additionally, there is a lack of formal systems in place for COs to identify pregnant women, which creates an issue when adhering to policies regarding pregnant inmates, especially those in early stages of pregnancy where it is harder to identify their condition. Regarding the restraint of pregnant inmates, the COs expressed that policies that prohibited the use of restraints “met women’s unique physical needs and did not interfere with COs’ role in maintaining security” (Pendleton et al., 2020, 8). As such, a beneficial future avenue for policy considerations would be to account for more comprehensive and informed training protocols for COs regarding MCH programs.

The study also noted that COs with a longer tenure recalled that prior to the implementation of MCH programs, many women lacked the emotional and physical support during labor and delivery that the prison doula system offers. The COs asserted that the doulas provided the “physical, emotional, and psychological support that women in labor needed while allowing COs to remain focused on their primary job responsibility of maintaining security, which reduced role conflict” (Pendleton et al., 2020, 9).

Ultimately, while the MCH programs offer gender-responsive programming for women inmates, they also raised ethical considerations. For instance, Pendleton et al. (2020) argue that some research has illustrated that prisons employing “enhanced MCH policies and programs may have a protective effect on certain clinical pregnancy outcomes, such as infant birth weight,” with COs arguing that the care available is of “higher quality compared to the availability of services in the community” (Pendleton et al., 2020, 10). Pendleton et al. (2020) argue that focusing solely on protective factors with prison MCH programs fails to address the broader social and structural health implications affecting the marginalized communities: “The reality is that many prisons in America have become de facto social service providers due to inadequate mental health, substance use, and social services available to marginalized pregnant women in the community” (Pendleton et al., 2020, 10). As such, viewing prisons as “protective” subsequently disregards the history of reproductive control and coercion experienced by racial and ethnic minority women.

Therefore, Pendleton et al.’s (2020) research asserts that COs’ perspectives should be incorporated into the creation and evaluation of MCH programming. As such, MCH programs have shown to improve conditions for both COs and incarcerated women. The study calls for future research to carefully study incarcerated pregnant women’s perspectives of the services they need, as well as community-based alternatives to incarceration. Pendleton et al. (2020) argue that to reduce the challenges that COs experience, implementing future MCH programs and policies with “robust training and opportunities for CO input will help ensure that programming optimally supports all key stakeholders” (Pendleton et al. 2020, 11). Finally, community-based programs that enter carceral spaces to “deliver MCH programming, such as prison doula programs or parenting support groups, may consider having a CO ‘champion’ within the facility to provide CO perspective and have a point person to help lead trainings” (Pendleton et al., 2020, 11). Ultimately, integrating COs’ views into the development and implementation of MCH programs and policies in prisons may improve facility safety and promote better maternal and child health.

References:

Daniel, R. (2019). [Picture of Statistics on Women in Prisons and Jails in 2017] [Digital Image]. Prison Policy Initiative. https://www.prisonpolicy.org/blog/2019/12/05/pregnancy/

Equal Justice Initiative. (2020, December 02). Shackling of pregnant women in jails and PRISONS continues in the United States. Retrieved April 24, 2021, from https://eji.org/news/shackling-of-pregnant-women-in-jails-and-prisons-continues/

Kupers, T. A. (1999). Chapter 1: The Mentally Ill Behind Bars. In Prison Madness The Mental Health Crisis Behind Bars and What We Must Do About It (pp. 9-38). San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass.

Pendleton, V., Saunders, J. B., & Shlafer, R. (2020). Corrections officers’ knowledge and perspectives of maternal and child health policies and programs for pregnant women in prison. Health & Justice, 8(1), 1-12. Retrieved April 24, 2021, from https://link.springer.com/article/10.1186/s40352-019-0102-0

Rousseau, D. (2021, April 06). Module 4 Study Guide. Blackboard. [Lecture notes].

Shine, N. (2016). [Picture of shackled pregnant inmate] [Photograph]. People Demanding for Action. https://www.peopledemandingaction.org/benefits-kitchen/item/491-new-jersey-lacks-law-addressing-shackling-of-pregnant-inmates-because-gov-christie-wouldn-t-sign-it

Sufrin, C. (2019). [Picture of Statistics on Pregnant Women in U.S. Prisons] [Digital Image]. John Hopkins Medicine. https://www.hopkinsmedicine.org/news/newsroom/news-releases/first-of-its-kind-statistics-on-pregnant-women-in-us-prisons

Retraumatized: the long-term consequences of victim blaming

An article I recently read disgusted me to my core. Although the case is still under litigation and additional details are pending release, the article discussed how a teenage rape victim is being blamed for allowing the attack to happen, with “contributory negligence, assumption of risk, contributory fault and/or culpable conduct” (Fonrouge, 2021) attributed to the victim, a 14-year-old student at New Rochelle High School in New York. According to the article, the victim was allegedly “raped in a stairwell by a fellow classmate who had been bullying her for two years,” with the attacker choking and violently assaulting the victim “while she repeatedly said ‘no’ as a security guard stood close by” (Fonrouge, 2021). The alleged attack, which occurred in January 2020, was also caught on camera. The article did not mention any factors indicating the victim was a willing participant or which would have made her responsible for the attack.

In March 2021, the victim sued the high school, claiming they should have done more to protect her, since at the time of the rape, the alleged rapist was already being investigated for his involvement in another sexual assault of a classmate, yet was still allowed to attend classes on campus. Although the alleged rapist was arrested and charged as a juvenile, the school’s insurance company ascribed blame to the victim, while defending the school, stating there was “no negligence, fault or culpable conduct” (Fonrouge, 2021) on their part. After heavy backlash, a representative for the school district blamed the insurance company for the alleged victim blaming, but unfortunately, damage has already been done to the victim, potentially changing the way she is perceived by her peers, the community, the judicial system and even by herself.

Victim blaming and victim shaming is a concept that is destructive, inflicting additional trauma to the victim and potentially preventing future victims from speaking out. However, it is an action that is seen every day in the media, which almost normalizes the behavior. It has been estimated “that approximately 18% of women in the United States have been raped at some point in their lifetime” (Bartol & Bartol, 2021, p. 404-405), although the “actual rate of rape is grossly underreported” (Rousseau, 2021, Module 5, p. 14). With numerous hurdles already in place preventing rape victims from coming forward, the additional trauma caused by victim blaming undoubtedly leaves many victims wondering if the risk is worth the reward in coming forward or pressing charges, especially knowing the trial process can be long and arduous and often with minimal consequences. Additionally, “a victim may feel that by going to trial, her sexual history will be known to the world—which could cause embarrassment or even make her feel more to blame for the sexual assault” (Rousseau, 2021, p. 15). Many victims have also indicated their experience with the law enforcement and judicial system have been more traumatizing than the initial event, referring to it as another assault (Rousseau, 2021, Module 5, p. 14).

According to research, “more blame is attributed to rape victims when they are intoxicated, resist an attack less, have a closer relationship with the perpetrator, and wear revealing clothing” (Dawtry et al., 2019, p. 1269). For example, in the case of Brock Turner, an ex-Stanford swimmer convicted of sexually assaulting an unconscious woman, he barely received any substantial consequences, yet the victim’s name was dragged through the mud. Blame was shifted to the victim, questioning everything from her sexual history, the amount she drank, what she ate that day to what she was wearing, with blame even directed to her friends, asking why they left her alone. Instead of attributing full blame to Turner, questioning why he decided to sexually assault someone, the victim faced an avalanche of scrutiny, seemingly blaming her for the assault, instead of the offender. In one of the most powerful victim impact statements I have ever read, the victim spoke candidly about the effect the assault had on her life, in addition to the blame she unfairly received (Baker, 2016). She stated, “You made me a victim. In newspapers my name was ‘unconscious intoxicated woman’, ten syllables, and nothing more than that. For a while, I believed that that was all I was. I had to force myself to relearn my real name, my identity. To relearn that this is not all that I am. That I am not just a drunk victim at a frat party found behind a dumpster, while you are the All¬ American swimmer at a top university, innocent until proven guilty, with so much at stake. I am a human being who has been irreversibly hurt, my life was put on hold for over a year, waiting to figure out if I was worth something” (Baker, 2016).

Societal perception regarding rape has been developed and conditioned over time, with many widely accepted rape myths “serve to deny and justify male sexual aggression against women” (Lonsway & Fitzgerald, 1994, p. 134). While rape myths “vary across cultures and societies, they consistently involve blaming the victim, exonerating the perpetrator, expressing disbelief over claims of rape, and believing that only certain types of woman are raped. Such beliefs have real-world consequences, and may manifest in jury verdicts, public policy, and interpersonal reactions toward victims” (Dawtry et al., 2019, p. 1269). The impact of victim blaming has numerous real-life consequences, for both the victim and the societal perception. Furthermore, while victim blaming is commonly seen in cases of sexual assault, it is also being seen more frequently in cases involving police brutality. I have been noticing a shift where the victims of police brutality are put on trial instead of the perpetrator, having their past actions, potential criminal history and alleged unwillingness to comply presented as reasons justifying police use of force. The trend is disturbing and damaging, and the impact of normalizing detrimental behavior is damaging to everyone involved.

References

Baker, K. J. M. (2016, June 3). Here's The Powerful Letter The Stanford Victim Read To Her Attacker. BuzzFeed News. https://www.buzzfeednews.com/article/katiejmbaker/heres-the-powerful-letter-the-stanford-victim-read-to-her-ra#.caxXXyWGK.

Bartol, C. R., & Bartol, A. M. (2021). Criminal behavior: a psychological approach. 12^th Edition. Boston: Pearson.

Dawtry, R. J., Cozzolino, P. J., & Callan, M. J. (2019). I Blame Therefore It Was: Rape Myth Acceptance, Victim Blaming, and Memory Reconstruction. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 45(8), 1269–1282. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167218818475

Fonrouge, G. (2021, April 20). New Rochelle High School blamed girl for her own rape, lawyer says. New York Post. https://nypost.com/2021/04/20/new-rochelle-high-school-blamed-girl-for-her-own-rape-lawyer-says/.

Lonsway, K. A., & Fitzgerald, L. F. (1994). Rape myths: In review. Psychology of Woman Quarterly, 18, 133–164.

Rousseau, D. (2021). Module 5 Study Guide [Notes]. Boston University Metropolitan College.

The Risks and Spread of Burnout in Law Enforcement

The popularity of self-care is interesting because it should go without saying that we should take care of ourselves. Self-care tactics seem to be going the route of diet culture where every month there is a new way to hack happiness, be less stressed, look younger, and feel better. Regardless of the specifics of these self-care routines, they share a commonality in the fact that they all take effort. It takes time, motivation, and commitment to incorporate new self-care practices into everyday life and to find what works best for an individual. Just as the practice itself will differ from person to person, so will the amount of self-care required to reach or maintain a stable place in their mental health. Because of the high stress environment of law enforcement, made even more stressful by the current climate in this country, it is imperative that law enforcement officials practice self-care not only for their own mental health and safety, but for that of the general public as well. Without a proper balance or outlet to handle the stress, officers can easily get burned out, putting everyone at risk.

One side effect of high stress jobs is the possibility of burnout. Burnout is defined by Chauhan as “a severe psychological and physical outcome of prolonged and high levels of stress at work” (2009: 441). Burnout is also often accompanied by “illness, increased substance abuse, and personal relationship difficulties” (Hill, 2004). In addition to workplace burnout, this phenomenon is seen in students who have rigorous and difficult courses as well as athletes who grind all day, every day to the point where they do not enjoy playing their sport anymore. The three stages of burnout are stagnation, detachment, and emotional exhaustion (Chauhan, 2009). When it comes to burnout in law enforcement roles, the second and third stages are where the danger to the individual and the public come into play. When an officer is detached from a situation, they are apathetic and are less able to connect with the individuals involved, resulting in poor performance. The final stage of burnout is also characterized by apathy, doubt in self-efficacy, and lack of sense of accomplishment. When an officer does not care, they cannot think clearly and in the best interest of the public. This creates a dangerous environment for both parties.

Law enforcement jobs will always be stressful. It comes with the territory of dealing with the public, responding to distress calls, seeing all levels of crime, and generally putting oneself at risk every day. Misery truly does love company and the same goes for burnout. Because negative events affect overall well-being more than positive events (Diener & Oishi, 2005), law enforcement officers are at greater risk of diminished happiness due to their above average exposure to negative situations. Furthermore, in departments where the officers and staff spend countless hours together, burnout can spread like a virus and employees can be “made miserable by tyrannical supervisors, abusive spouses, and vindictive friends” (Diener & Oishi, 2005: 164). So, how can burnout and other stress disorders be prevented if the stress itself cannot be taken out of the job? By changing the approaches to which those in particularly high stress environments handle the stress, burnout can be mitigated. Across the board there are generally standard findings as to what tactics work best to handle stress. For example, exercise, sunshine, spending time with friends and family, and eating well (Hill, 2004) are all logical and beneficial ways to put the pressures of the workplace aside and be in the moment. In addition to these, some that are not as commonly discussed including helping others and actively being grateful for what one does have, rather than dwelling on what they lack.

Just as individuals can help themselves combat burnout through the techniques listed above, employers can facilitate an environment where burnout is less likely to occur. By monitoring employees for signs of stress and burnout, department heads and supervisors can catch issues early on. Chauhan (2009) details two questionnaires, the Job Involvement Questionnaire and the Maslach Burnout Inventory, that are specifically designed to identify the level of risk an employee has of reaching burnout. Furthermore, just as misery loves company, so does joy. Leading by example is an excellent way for supervisors to set the tone in a department and demonstrate that mental health and a proper work/life balance is valued and critical. Because law enforcement officials have so much responsibility, it is essential that they do not reach the point of burnout, not only for their own safety and well-being, but that of the public as well.

References:

Chauhan, D. (2009). Effect of Job Involvement on Burnout. Indian Journal of Industrial Relations, 44(3), 441-453. Retrieved April 23, 2021, from http://www.jstor.org/stable/27768217

Diener, E., & Oishi, S. (2005). The Nonobvious Social Psychology of Happiness. Psychological Inquiry, 16(4), 162-167. Retrieved April 24, 2021, from http://www.jstor.org/stable/20447284

Hill, A. (2004). PREVENTING BURNOUT: LIVE WELL, LAUGH OFTEN. GPSolo, 21(7), 56-60. Retrieved April 23, 2021, from http://www.jstor.org/stable/23672848

Police Legitimacy and Mental Illness

It is hard to ignore the fact that today’s police agencies are the true front line workers when it comes to mental illness. While mental health professionals are the ones diagnosing and treating these individuals, police officers across the country are the ones being called to people's homes, jobs, and even schools when an individual is in crisis. While 99% of these interactions end without violence, individuals suffering from mental illness are 16 times more likely to be killed at the hands of the police. In order to prevent these individuals from becoming another statistic of deadly physical force by police, law enforcement agencies must train their officers in Crisis Intervention Training as well as partner with local mental health professional agencies to properly diagnose and treat individuals within their jurisdiction. 

The county in which I work made it mandatory for all officers to receive 40 hours of Crisis Intervention Training, which I was fortunate to take while in the academy prior to any real life police experience. I believe it is harder for seasoned officer’s to forget their previous experiences and tactics when dealing with individuals in crisis, however, it is imperative for success and the avoidance of deadly physical force. At the end of the day, if the situation calls for deadly physical force, then measures must be taken to preserve innocent lives as well as the lives of the officers involved. Through Crisis Intervention Training, officers are taught how to interact with and deal with individuals in crisis in an attempt to calm them down rather than make the situation worse. Rather than completely dismissing their thoughts and actions, officers are taught to be compassionate and understanding while working toward a peaceful resolution with all parties involved. It sounds somewhat simple, however, I can assure you it is very complex and constantly evolving/changing as the situation unfolds. 

New York State Mental Health Laws only allow officers to intervene with arrest when an individual in crisis is an immediate threat to themselves or others, which can sometimes be hard to determine. To help alleviate the stress that is put on the shoulders of the officers on the scene, the county I work in enacted the Crisis Mobile Response Team. When an incident occurs involving an individual in crisis, it is mandatory for the agencies in my county to contact the Crisis Mobile Response Team and request their assistance in diagnosing/treating the individual. In less urgent, non physical incidents, officers will contact the team and request a follow up once the issue(s) at hand have been resolved. In urgent matters, that may or may not have included physical violence, officers will remain on scene with the individual and await the arrival of the Crisis Mobile Response Team. Once the mental health professionals arrive on scene, they have the power to say whether or not the individual needs to be taken into custody under NYS Mental Health Laws and subsequently transported to a mental health facility for further evaluation. This not only allows for a resolution to the problem at hand, but it also starts the process of diagnosis and treatment to prevent further incidents from happening in the future. 

For too long, the police have been seen as the enemy when it comes to mental health intervention. Rather than addressing and helping in the mental health world, police are often associated with violence and arresting those who are suffering from mental illness. It is imperative that agencies across the country train their officers to come to peaceful resolutions, which also means securing and allocating proper funds to do so. Through Crisis Intervention Training and county/ statewide mental health initiatives, similar to the Crisis Mobile Response Team, police agencies will not only become more legitimate in the eyes of the public but also in the eyes of individuals suffering from mental illness. 

Bartol, C. R., & Bartol, A. M. (2021). Criminal behavior: a psychological approach. Boston: Pearson.

Carroll, Heather. “People with Untreated Mental Illness 16 Times More Likely to Be Killed By Law Enforcement.” Treatment Advocacy Center, www.treatmentadvocacycenter.org/key-issues/criminalization-of-mental-illness/2976-people-with-untreated-mental-illness-16-times-more-likely-to-be-killed-by-law-enforcement-. 

“Orange County Crisis Call Center: Orange County, NY.” Orange County Crisis Call Center | Orange County, NY, www.orangecountygov.com/1796/Crisis-Call-Center.

Why Massachusetts Should Not Build Any New Women’s Prisons

This post serves as a review of the Baker Administration’s proposal of a trauma-informed new women’s prison, an initiative that is vastly under researched, misinformed, and fiscally irresponsible. While the national rate of women’s incarceration has risen dramatically in the past two decades, the opposite is true for Massachusetts (Rousseau, 2021; Massachusetts Department of Corrections, 2019). Yet despite housing such a low prison population for women, the Baker Administration is pushing on for the creation of a new women’s prison. In its plans, the Administration touts a robust trauma-informed facility based on questionable and irrelevant research (Sered et al, 2021); however, the notion of a trauma-informed incarceral state is not only misinformed but harmful to both the women incarcerated and their impacted communities. Rather than spending well over $50,000,000 on the further incarceration and degradation of women (Sered et al, 2021), the Baker Administration has an invaluable opportunity to re-evaluate it’s criminal justice priorities and listen to the true experts and advocates fighting for decarceration. This post seeks to expand on the downfalls of a trauma-informed prison and offer alternatives to incarceration that would better address the unique challenges associated with crime faced by women.

The key issue with the Administration's, perhaps well-intended plan, is that it will not sufficiently address the inherent trauma associated with incarceration and serve to only further practices of mass incarceration. It is impossible to separate trauma from prison; the implementation of incarceration alone creates trauma and exasperates already present symptoms of trauma. First, incarceration separates families. This is especially concerning in regard to women’s incarceration because incarcerated women are more likely to be the primary caregiver of a young child (Rousseau, 2021; Bloom et al, 2003: 16). Not only does this create obvious trauma for children of incarcerated mothers (Lee et al, 2013), but the mothers themselves face serious mental repercussions from this separation, especially if they recently gave birth (Chambers, 2009). Once released, the damaging effects of incarceration on the family continue to manifest in ways that also impact rehabilitation. As noted by Bloom et al, “Many women released from prison have lost touch with their families and thus face greater adjustment problems in reintegrating into the community” (2003: 16). Without close ties to the family or community, individuals are more likely to recidivate (Mooney and Bala, 2018). Not only does this impact the outlook for the original offender, but the trauma and disruption transferred to the children of incarcerated women is also significantly disturbing and harmful (Lee et al, 2013).

Second, incarcerated women suffer from Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD), depression, and anxiety, at a higher rate than their male counterparts (Rousseau, 2021). Furthermore, many of these women were victims of crime themselves, with up to 70% reporting a history of abuse (Rousseau, 2021). When placed in a prison setting, underlying trauma and mental illness will suffer (Owen, 2020; Rousseau, 2021). Even when provided treatment during incarceration, it is impossible to avoid the daily harms of one's mental health while behind bars because of the way in which incarceration is structured; inherent in the current carceral state is isolation, high risk of physical and sexual abuse, and lack of bodily autonomy (Bloom et al, 2003: 25; Sered et al, 2021). Even with trauma-informed policies, these risks are simply not worth continuously suppressing incarcerated women when better alternatives to incarceration exist.

Finally, “the most common pathways into crime [for women] are based on ... poverty and substance abuse” (Rousseau, 2021). Incarceration does not solve these problems, it does not get to the root of poverty or substance abuse. Instead, it exasperates these pathways and leaves women with little support post-incarceration to later overcome these challenges. For example, while incarcerated many women are not provided adequate research-based treatment. Alarmingly, “[t]he opioid overdose death rate is 120 times higher for those recently released from incarceration compared to the rest of the adult population” (ACLU Massachusetts, 2021). Moreover, women are not provided adequate opportunities to address poverty while incarcerated, which leaves the problem unaddressed once reintegrated into their communities. Women are typically offered less compensation than male counterparts for work-assignments and are provided a smaller range of vocational programs to assist them post-incarceration (Bloom et al, 2003: 23). These major discrepancies allow the most common pathways into crime for women to fester and worsen upon release, which creates a cycle of criminal behavior that could have been interrupted if the proper resources were originally provided. 

While well intentioned programs, such as yoga therapy and trauma-informed practices in the prison setting have been implemented in places such as MCI-Framingham, a thorough review of scientific literature “found no evidence for the effectiveness of prison-based therapeutic programs, including ones designed to be gender-responsive and trauma-sensitive” in the long term (Sered et al, 2021). This is because trauma-informed services are incompatible with incarceration. Trauma informed services must be composed of four key fundamentals: (1) “take trauma into account; (2) avoid triggering trauma reactions and/or traumatizing the individual; (3) adjust the behavior of counselors, staff and the organization to support the individual's coping capacity; and, (4) allow survivors to manage their trauma symptoms successfully so that they are able to access, retain, and benefit from these services” (Rousseau, 2021). These four fundamentals cannot be effectively carried out in a prison where the “[l]oss of custody of children, lack of bodily privacy, absence of control over whom one does or does not interact with, and limited freedom of movement, control over time, and personal space may in and of themselves cause trauma” (Sered et al, 2021). Thus, in application, the carceral state does not leave room for the avoidance of traumatizing or retraumatizing an individual. Further, the constraints and environment of a prison does not allow survivors to effectively manage their symptoms of trauma. Counselors, staff, and organization can work to support the individual’s treatment, as advocated and explained by Tonier Cain, a national trainer on trauma-informed services in prisons (Rousseau, 2021); however, “barked orders, pat-downs, strip searches, and looming threats of punishment” at the hands of the prison staff work against this (Sered et al, 2021). Despite attempts to alleviate the trauma endured behind bars, a trauma-informed prison will not prevent the inevitable long term harms of incarceration.

The greatest hurdle to both legislators and the general public, it seems, is what do we do without a prison? What about those who have committed so-called violent crimes? These questions cannot be ignored, but they cannot be solved by simply building a new prison. Rather than imprisoning women, thereby disrupting families and exasperating mental health issues, alternatives to incarceration are wide and plenty, many of which offer far more promising results in rehabilitation than incarceration provides (Sered et al, 2021). These alternatives should take into consideration the pathways leading to the alleged crime and find ways to divert the individual from incarceration. In practice, for example, a woman suffering from substance abuse disorder could greatly benefit from voluntary treatment outside of prison -- this concept is supported by evidence finding that recurrent substance abuse needs treatment not punishment (ACLU Massachusetts, 2021). Alternatives to incarceration are not simply alternatives to the physical imprisonment of an individual, but also include updating criminal justice policies to reduce incarceration and better serve the needs of communities. As an example, some criminal justice advocates suggest decriminalizing various degrees of drugs and sex work and focusing instead of providing resources to work against substance abuse and poverty. By placing the emphasis on support and rehabilitation rather than punishment and incarceration, the Commonwealth can more effectively reduce crime.

Building a new women’s prison is not necessary to promote rehabilitation, reduce recidivism, and support the community. Instead, I argue that building a new prison will only further suppress and degrade women deserving help, support, and encouragement. As aptly put by Dr. Danielle Rousseau, “Not all populations within the criminal justice system are the same, and in order to foster effective policy and programing, it is important to recognize this fact” (2021). Thus, moving forward, the Baker Administration should take seriously the advocacy of women who have been put down by the very system the Administration intends to promote, such as the formerly incarcerated advocates and experts leading the way with Families for Justice as Healing (FJAH). As a concluding thought, I leave the following statement, “[Women] need families that are not divided by public policy, streets and homes that are safe from violence and abuse, and health and mental health services that are accessible. The challenges women face must be met with expanded opportunity and a more thoughtful criminal justice policy” (Bloom et al, 2013: 21); the Commonwealth has a unique opportunity to support the rehabilitation and empowerment of women through the implementation of alternatives to incarceration as opposed to a formidable new prison. 

*This post does not speak for or on behalf of any advocacy group and was written solely for academic purposes.

Works Cited

ACLU Massachusetts. (2021). Treatment Not Imprisonment: Aligning Probation Orders With Addiction Science. 

Bloom, B. E., Owen, B., & Covington, S. S. (2003). Gender-Responsive Strategies: Research, Practice, and Guiding Principles for Women Offenders. National Institute of Corrections. https://nicic.gov/gender-responsive-strategies-research-practice-and-guiding-principles-women-offenders

Chambers A. N. (2009). Impact of forced separation policy on incarcerated postpartum mothers. Policy, politics & nursing practice, 10(3), 204–211. https://doi.org/10.1177/1527154409351592

Lee, R. D., Fang, X., & Luo, F. (2013). The impact of parental incarceration on the physical and mental health of young adults. Pediatrics, 131(4), e1188–e1195. https://doi.org/10.1542/peds.2012-0627

Massachusetts Department of Correction. (2020, April). Prison Population Trends 2019. Mass.gov. https://www.mass.gov/doc/prison-population-trends-2019/download

Money, E. & Bala, N. (2018, October). The Importance Of Supporting Family Connections To Ensure Successful Re-entry. R Street Shorts. https://www.rstreet.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/10/Final-Short-No.-63-1.pdf 

Owen, B. (2020). Women face unique harms from solitary confinement. Vera Institute of Justice. https://www.vera.org/blog/addressing-the-overuse-of-segregation-in-u-s-prisons-and-jails/women-face-unique-harms-from-solitary-confinement  

Rousseau, D. (2021). Module 4: Implementing Psychology in the Criminal Justice System. Boston University Metropolitan College. 

Sered, S. S., Tafte, E., & Russell, C. (2021, January). Ineffectiveness of prison-based therapy: The case for community-based alternatives. Susan Sered, PhD. http://susan.sered.name/blog/debunking-the-myth-of-gender-responsive-treatment-in-prison/

Sered, S. S., Tafte, E., & Russell, C. (2021, March). Alternatives to Incarceration for Women in Massachusetts: An Opportunity and a Challenge. Susan Sered, PhD. http://susan.sered.name/blog/

Invisible Scars from Racism

Social stigma and discrimination have been a nationwide concern that has motivated many social movements and organizations to forefront changes. Despite these efforts, it is still a recognized problem with a prevalence varying in different cities and neighborhoods. As a result, a lack of awareness and recognition on how racism can be easily imposed on one and another makes this issue so impactful on the mental health.

In Experiencing Racism May Damage Memory Cognition, scholar Kat McAlpine exploits a longitudinal study on African American women and their lifelong health risks imposed by discrimination to shed light on such health and wellness concerns. Conveyed as the main point, McAlpine reiterated the connection between “exposure to racism and lower cognitive functions later in life” (2020). According to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) and its collaboration with a systematic review in 2015, racism is associated with higher rates of stress, increasing the risk of high blood pressure and a weakened immune system (2021). Further studies suggest that a constant exposure to racism can provide gateways to unhealthy coping behaviors, such as smoking, alcohol use, drug use, and excessive eating habits (Frellick, 2021).

These behaviors, psychologically, suggest that people who experience race-based stress and trauma frequently have similar experiences to people who have post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) (Kleinman & Russ, 2020). While the psychiatric disorder commonly occurs in people who have experienced or witnessed traumatic events, typically seen in disasters, war, and sexual violence, the rising experience of both direct and indirect systematic racism has left serious impacts to the mental and physical health of victims.

Beyond the community initiatives to combat against questionable policing and outbreaks of racially motivated physical and verbal attacks, systematic racism has made racial displacement, exclusion, and segregation an ongoing issue in all communities. The reason for this likely falls on transmitted traumatic stressors, a stressor that is transferred from one generation to the next—coming from historically racist sources or may be personal traumas passed down through families and communities (Mental Health America, 2021). This becomes an important concept highlighted by the social bond theory in which theorist Travis Hirschi argued that elements of social bonding includes the attachments to families and commitments to social norms and institutions (1969). How can understanding this systematic issue help victims of racism?

Like many topics in the field of criminal justice, racism, is also a complex phenomenon. Racism stems from individual experiences, systematic faults, direct traumatic stressors, vicarious traumatic stressors, and transmitted stressors (Mental Health America, 2021). The following statistics are a few examples of some of the prevalent nature of racism:

• In 2018, approximately 38% of the Hispanic community were verbally attacked simply for speaking Spanish. They were told to “go back to their countries,” called a racial slur, and/or treated unfairly by others (Lopez et al., 2020).
• The lack of cultural competency in resources for Native American communities have resulted rates of suicide to be 3.5 times higher than ethnic groups with the lowest rates of suicide (Leavitt et al., 2018).
• African Americans make up around 33% of the total prison population; this highlights an overrepresentation of racist arrests, policing, and sentencing in the criminal justice system (FBI Uniform Crime Report, 2019).

While communities have already and continued their efforts to address racism on many platforms, it is important to remember to maintain the awareness and recognition that racism is more than the definition of prejudice and discrimination against a person, it is a physical, emotional, and mental health issue, and allowing such racial trauma to control a victim’s life should be enough evidence for every level of government to intervene in their highest capabilities.

References

Frellick, M. (2021). CDC declares racism a serious public health threat. CDC. https://www.webmd.com/lung/news/20210412/cdc-declares-racism-a-serious-public-health-threat

Hirschi, T. (1969). Causes of delinquency. Berkeley: University of California Press. https://criminology.fandom.com/wiki/Social_Bond_Theory#:~:text=The%20four%20basic%20elements%20of,an%20individual%20holds%20in%20society

Kleinman, B., & Russ, E. (2020). Systematic racism can leave black people suffering from symptoms similar to PTSD. Courier Journal. https://www.courier-journal.com/story/opinion/2020/06/12/racial-trauma-can-leave-black-people-ptsd-symptoms/3160232001/

Leavitt, R. A., Ertl, A., Sheats, K., Petrosky, E., Ivey-Stephenson, A., & Fowler, K. A. (2018) Suicide among American Indian/Alask Natives – National violent death reporting system. MMWR. doi: 10.15585/mmwr.mm6708a1

Lopez, M. H., Gonzalez-Barrera, A., & Krogstad, J. M. (2020). Latinos’ experiences with discriminations. https://www.pewresearch.org/hispanic/2018/10/25/latinos-and-discrimination/

McAlpine, K. (2020). Experiencing racism may damage memory, cognition. Boston University: The Brink. https://www.bu.edu/articles/2020/experiencing-racism-may-damage-memory-cognition/

Mental Health America. (2021). Racial trauma. https://www.mhanational.org/racial-trauma

Uniform Crime Report. (2019). Table 43. https://www.ucr.fbi.gov/crime-in-the-u.s/2018/crime-in-the-u.s.-2018/tables/tables-43

CJ 725

Trauma refers to the human reaction to a troubling or distressing happening that devastates a person’s coping abilities; it causes feelings of helplessness, reduces their sense of self, and ability to feel various experiences and emotions. Trauma affects people of all races and ages; hence it is significant concern around the world. There are multiple forms of trauma, including acute, chronic, and complex. According to Gawęda et al. (2020), almost 60% of adults experience abuse or challenging family situations in their childhood. Additionally, the studies indicate that nearly 26% of children in America will encounter traumatic events before three years while one in ten kids has experienced various forms of sexual abuse.

However, various therapies could help mitigate the effects of trauma, including Cognitive Behavioral Therapy. This is a form of treatment that helps victims of trauma learn how to recognize and alter disturbing or destructive thought patterns that negatively impact emotions and behavior. Cognitive Behavioral therapy majors on transforming automatic negative thoughts that could enhance anxiety, emotional difficulties, and depression. Among the major concerns is whether Cognitive Behavioral Therapy is more effective compared to other forms of therapy? Hence there is a need for further research about the topic. Various studies indicate that Cognitive Behavioral Therapy is effective since it entails multiple approaches and techniques that focus on behaviors, emotions, and thoughts (Cohen et al., 2018).

Mainstream psychology often ignores the essence of trauma concerning cultural psychology. Even though clinical trauma psychology acknowledges the significance of the ethical value of variations in trauma treatment, there are minimal studies on how culture is related to trauma's human emotional and cognitive responses. There are various self-care strategies that people with trauma could implement. (Salloum et al., 2019). For instance, talking to people more regularly, doing activities that make an individual relax, allowing oneself to experience emotions such as crying, and avoiding major life decisions.

References

Cohen, J. A., Deblinger, E., & Mannarino, A. P. (2018). Trauma-focused cognitive behavioral therapy for children and families. Psychotherapy Research, 28(1), 47-57.

Gawęda, Ł., Pionke, R., Krężołek, M., Frydecka, D., Nelson, B., & Cechnicki, A. (2020). The interplay between childhood trauma, cognitive biases, psychotic-like experiences and depression and their additive impact on predicting lifetime suicidal behavior in young adults. Psychological medicine, 50(1), 116-124.

Salloum, A., Choi, M. J., & Stover, C. S. (2019). Exploratory study on the role of trauma-informed self-care on child welfare workers' mental health. Children and Youth Services Review, 101, 299-306.