Self-Care Practices

Self-care is extremely important in the criminal justice field. We know that this career path is not easy but it is very fulfilling. As criminal justice professionals we are exposed to other people’s traumatic events and that can be stressful for someone to internalize. Self-care is also important to prioritize our well being to be our best selves while working our jobs. 

Self care is extremely important for us as graduate students. Most of us are working full time while taking class. For me, reading has been a great stress reliever as a way to escape for a little while, I find it to be beneficial especially before I sleep. This article on practicing self - care, mentions having a buddy to keep you accountable in your self -care (Bartholomew, 2014). I think that this is a good idea in theory. It is hard if all of your friends are in other states but you could do zoom self-care sessions together. Like exercising over zoom to keep each other accountable.

I think police officers have the most stressful jobs. They interact with the mentally ill, the homeless, criminals and see individuals in crisis situations that will obviously have an impact on their own lives. If law enforcement officers do not deal with their stress or burnout, it can manifest itself into a few different ways (Fish, 2019). Some of these issues can be relationship issues, poor hygiene, nightmares, and substance abuse (Fish 2019). If we can’t take care of ourselves the way we need to be taken care of, we won’t be able to do our jobs correctly and help the public out. 

Other self-care practices that could be beneficial is journaling. I like to journal just to get my thoughts out and how I’m feeling. I also like to call a friend to chat and talk about what is happening in our lives, i think getting another perspective, maybe a friend or a therapist, is always useful in my life. Even taking a walk to clear my mind I find it very peaceful and helps me relax a little bit. 

Works Cited:

Bartholomew, N. R. (2014, August). Tips for practicing self-care. Retrieved April 26, 2021, from https://www.apadivisions.org/division-18/publications/newsletters/gavel/2014/08/self-care 

Fish, D. (2019, August 27). How Self-Care Can Reduce Police Officer Stress. Retrieved April 26, 2021, from https://www.lexipol.com/resources/blog/how-self-care-can-reduce-police-officer-stress/

Feminism in the Penal System

Feminism in the Penal System

One topic of consideration from the class is the role of feminism in treatment options and the criminal justice system generally. Further, how new research, focused on the challenges women face in correction, has resulted in several beneficial treatment options with greater efficacy. This blog post will expand on several concepts from class, with a focus on the common thread of how the system is addressing women’s issues.

I want to further explore the field of Gender Responsive Programming. Dr Rousseau, synthesizing the work of Dr Gilligan, wrote: "women's distinct moral development results in an 'ethic of care' or a very relational way of decision making and interacting with the world. Relational theory is based on this idea that women interact with the world in an interconnected capacity. Women develop a sense of self and self-worth where their actions arise out of and lead back to connections with others. Here, theory suggests that women, more so than men, are likely to be motived by connect and relationships. For example, women are more likely to turn to drugs or to engage in drug-related crime in the context of a relationship. Women's psychological growth and health is tied to this sense of connection. Because of this, group treatment is frequently an effective strategy for women offenders" (2021, Rousseau). This is ultimately a theory based on evidence and one that is developed by mostly female practitioners in a women's prison to address the unique issues facing women. One of the best findings from this is how much more successful Group Therapy is for women than for men. And this is consistent with their theories of relational interconnectedness.

Women and children are particularly vulnerable to physical violence and unfortunately, more susceptible to trauma-related injuries. Women are twice as likely to get PTSD as men (VA, 2020). The American Psychological Association defines trauma as “an emotional response to a terrible event like an accident, rape or natural disaster. Immediately after the event, shock and denial are typical. Longer term reactions include unpredictable emotions, flashbacks, strained relationships and even physical symptoms like headaches or nausea.” (APA, 2020) The symptoms in children include phobia development, separation anxiety, sleep disturbance, nightmares, sadness, loss of interest in normal activities, reduced concentration, decline in school work, anger, somatic complaints, and irritability (APA, 2020). With the new research focusing the role of gender in susceptibility to trauma, more research should be done on ways to prevent such trauma and better ways to treat it with a focus on the new realities of the victims of trauma. It’s not just soldiers in war who get PTSD.

Another issue that is unique or more pronounced for women is what to do when a woman gets pregnant in prison. Naomi Riley notes in the article On Prison Nurseries that, “An estimated 6–10% of women are pregnant upon incarceration” and “are more likely to have been their child's primary caregiver before their last arrest” (Riley, 2019). Women are the fastest growing demographic to face incarceration (Goshin, 2013). Therefore, it is more important now than ever for states and the Department of Justice to have a proper solution that balances the needs of society, the mothers, and the children. Ultimately, prisons must retain their deterrent quality and should not be punishing innocent children. Criminologist Joseph Carlson was a supporter of prison nurseries. He wrote, "Many studies have shown that maternal deprivation affects children. Young children who are removed from their mothers for hospitalization or other reasons display immediate distress, followed by misery and apathy" (Carlson, 2000).

In conclusion, whether it is Group Therapy, Relational Theory, Gender Responsiveness Programming, PTSD in women, or prison nurseries, there are many developing and worsening issues that effect female populations that should be given greater consideration in research. It is one of the newest fields on criminological research. Nevertheless, it has already been incredibly fruitful.

References

APA. (2011). Children and Trauma. Accessed at https://www.apa.org/pi/families/resources/children-trauma-update

Bloom, B. E., & Covington, S. S. (2008). Addressing the Mental Health Needs of Women Offenders. In Women's mental health issues across the criminal justice system. Upper Saddle River, N.J.: Pearson Prentice Hall.

Bloom, B. E., Owen, B., & Covington, S. S. (2003). Gender-Responsive Strategies: Research, Practice, and Guiding Principles for Women Offenders. National Institute of Corrections. Retrieved from https://nicic.gov/gender-responsive-strategies-research-practice-and-guiding-principles-women-offenders

Carlson, Joseph. Prison Nursery 2000: A Five-Year Review of the Prison Nursery at the Nebraska Correctional Center for Women. US Office of Justice Programs. https://www.ojp.gov/library/abstracts/prison-nursery-2000-five-year-review-prison-nursery-nebraska-correctional-center

Gilligan, C. (1993). In a Different Voice. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.

Goshin, L. S., Byrne, M. W., & Henninger, A. M. (2013). Recidivism after Release from a Prison Nursery Program. Public Health Nursing, 31(2), 109–117. https://doi.org/10.1111/phn.12072

Riley, Naomi. On Prison Nurseries. (2019). National Affairs. https://www.nationalaffairs.com/publications/detail/on-prison-nurseries

Rousseau, D. (2021). Module 4 Study Guide. Forensic Behavior Analysis. Boston University.

Vicarious Trauma and Burnout for Prosecutors and Investigators

I have been a prosecutor for almost eleven years now and I wish I could say that the job gets easier. For at least eight of those years, I have served as the child sexual assault legal advisor for my office. This role requires me not only to serve as a liaison with various agencies, including our district’s multi-disciplinary team, it also requires me to provide subject-matter expertise to other prosecutors in the preparation of their cases. This, in turn, requires me to attend various trainings and conferences to stay abreast on best practices and evidence-based research on a host of topics. Additionally, in handling internet crimes against children, I am often required to review images or videos of child sexual exploitation. In my role as a member of the multi-disciplinary team and as a prosecutor who has the final say in whether criminal charges will be pursued against a particular individual, I have often been called upon to referee disputes between law enforcement and child protective services or forensic interviewers. This is, of course, added stress on top of an already stress-filled job. I remember a conversation that I had with a forensic interviewer a few years back. I commented to her that I thought she had a tough job having to listen to kids recount the worst times of their lives every day. She replied that it was nothing compared what my job entailed. She noticed that I was puzzled by her response, so she explained. Her job requires her to listen to these children’s stories; mine requires me to do something about them and live with the consequences.

In recent years there has been a greater push among prosecutors, and lawyers in general, to educate about the dangers of vicarious or secondary trauma and burnout (Russell, 2010). Vicarious trauma has been referred to by several names, so it is important to understand the various nuances to these terms. Many are familiar with post-traumatic stress disorder as defined by the DSM-IV and later the DSM-5. However, research has also begun to focus on secondary traumatic stress, which is “the emotional duress that results when an individual hears about the firsthand trauma experiences of another” with symptoms that “mimic those of post-traumatic stress disorder” and may be “caused by at least one indirect exposure to traumatic material” (NCTSN, 2011, p. 2). Figley (1995) coined the phrase “compassion fatigue” to describe secondary traumatic stress. An individual affected by secondary traumatic stress “may find themselves re-experiencing personal trauma or notice an increase in arousal and avoidance reactions related to the indirect trauma exposure” and “may also experience changes in memory and perception; alterations in their sense of self-efficacy; a depletion of personal resources; and disruption in their perceptions of safety, trust, and independence” (NCTSN, 2011, p. 2). Vicarious trauma, though similar to secondary traumatic stress, “refers to changes in the inner experience of the [professional] resulting from empathetic engagement with a traumatized client” (NCTSN, 2011, p. 2). It is more a “theoretical term that focuses less on trauma symptoms and more on the covert cognitive changes that occur following cumulative exposure to another person’s traumatic material” (NCTSN, 2011, p. 2). Burnout, on the other hand, refers to “the psychological toll on a professional who works with challenging populations, specifically victims of trauma and abuse, which can include prolonged depression and/or anxiety, drug use, decreased desire to efficiently perform job responsibilities, diminished social activities, a desire to leave the job, or examining the meaning of life” (Hunt, 2018, p. 2). Figley (1995) cautions that burnout “emerges gradually and is a result of emotional exhaustion,” while secondary trauma or compassion fatigue “can emerge suddenly with little warning” (p. 12).

Here, I primarily want to give some practical advice for prosecutors and investigators on ways to deal with and guard against vicarious trauma and burnout. First, prosecutors and investigators should know their limits and surround themselves with a good social support team within their office that can help them spot the symptoms of secondary traumatic stress and the warning signs of vicarious trauma and burnout. This is not a lone-wolf industry, particularly when one is dealing with victims who have suffered traumatic experiences such as rape or sexual abuse. For instance, my colleagues on the internet crimes against children (ICAC) task force, who are required to review images and videos of child sexual exploitation and torture on a regular basis, are required to undergo periodic counseling sessions as a matter of policy. They also look out for one another. If you cannot trust the people you are working with to help each other with this issue, then it is time to find a new focus area. When I handled one of my first child pornography cases, I remember the investigator telling me to make sure I turned the sound off when viewing the videos. Sound is such a powerful memory trigger and it is one that does not go away quickly. For instance, my office handled a case where a husband in a drug-induced psychosis attacked his pregnant wife and attempted to cut their unborn child out of her because he believed it to be a demon. He knew something was wrong because he had called 9-1-1 prior to the attack, telling the dispatcher what he had ingested and that he was afraid that he was going to do something bad. When first responders did not arrive quickly enough for him, he proceeded to attack his wife, with the dispatcher listening the whole time. The first officer to arrive on scene overheard him asking his wife how she was still alive. After listening just to the 9-1-1 recording, I found myself unable to sleep that night. I could still hear the woman’s screams. All of the first responders in that case were required to submit to counseling.

Second, I often hear law enforcement, and some prosecutors, speak in terms of fighting against evil as if they are on a crusade. While I certainly do see my job as a calling, of sorts, it is important to not let your life or your job be defined by what you are fighting against. Instead, let it be defined by what you are fighting for. If it is defined by what you are fighting against, then you will see enemies almost everywhere. And every loss, every set-back, every struggle will eat away at you emotionally, mentally, even spiritually. If it is defined by what you are fighting for, on the other hand, then you will find much more to encourage you, to brighten your day, to make it all seem worthy. A little over a year into my tenure as a prosecutor, I was assigned a case in which both parents had been sexually abusing their four teenaged children. By the time the case came to light, the oldest had graduated high school, but the other three still had a year or two left. My team and I worked tirelessly for these kids. The youngest three were placed into foster care, which ended up being a traumatic process for them in the beginning. They were assigned to a foster family that turned out to be just as manipulative and emotionally abusive as their parents. So, we worked to get them placed elsewhere. Eventually, the parents pleaded guilty to their charges and the kids were placed in a much better environment. I can remember the day when these siblings started arguing over typical teenage sibling drama that had nothing to do with the trauma they had experienced. That, in itself, seemed like a small victory. Their foster care worker and I have stayed in touch with these kids over the years. We have watched them graduate from high school and then college. The oldest, who was too old to be placed into foster care, put herself through college, then nursing school. The youngest daughter now works with child protective services and advocates for improving conditions for other kids in foster care. I had the privilege of officiating her wedding in February. These are the moments we should be fighting for. Focusing on what we are fighting for is important in another respect: it reminds us not to lose the child just to win the case. While some prosecutors may disagree with me, I will not force a traumatized child to do what he or she is not ready to do, including testifying at trial. I will work with the child’s therapist to get them ready for court, but in the end, if the child is not ready or is not in a place emotionally or psychologically to endure the stress of trial, I will not force them to do so. I will try work out an acceptable plea agreement as best I can, but I will not re-victimize or re-traumatize a child for the sake of winning a case.

Lastly, learn to focus on the good in this world, not just the bad. If all we focus on is the negativity and stress that surround us, it will leave us depleted in the end. Learn to find healthy outlets or hobbies that allow you to see the good in other people. Being prosecutor or an investigator frequently exposes you to bad people doing bad things on a daily basis. It is easy to become jaded and lose objectivity. Overtime, this will eat away at you like running water to a boulder. For me, it is my commitment and service to my church that allows me to see the good in this world. It allows me to see people change. It allows me to see good people and not-so-good people do good things. It gives me a balance in my life. A few years ago I prosecuted a gentleman for drug possession and he was given a probated sentence. He struggled with his addiction during his probationary period and had to serve a few stints in jail as a result. Eventually, he started working with a small business that installs commercial playgrounds. As it turned out, the owner of that business attended the same church as me and started filling me in on his progress. Eventually, he started attending church with us. He has really turned his life around thanks to this couple and he even still comes to me to admit when the temptations to return to his addiction comes around again. He wants that accountability. I have seen his life changed and it gives me hope in others as well. I understand, religion is not everyone’s cup of tea, but we far too often ignore the spiritual side of humanity. So, if yoga or some other form of meditation works for you, go for it. In the process you will find even more people to support you emotionally, psychologically, spiritually, and mentally. Remember, this is not a lone-wolf profession.

References:

Figley, C.R. (1995). Compassion fatigue: Coping with secondary traumatic stress disorder in those who treat the traumatized. NY: Brunner/Mazel.

Hunt, T. (2018). Professionals’ perceptions of vicarious trauma from working with victims of sexual trauma [Doctoral dissertation, Walden University]. Retrieved from https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=7158&context=dissertations.

National Child Traumatic Stress Network (NCTSN) (2011). Secondary traumatic stress: A fact sheet for child-serving professionals. Retrieved from https://www.nctsn.org/sites/default/files/resources/fact-sheet/secondary_traumatic_stress_child_serving_professionals.pdf.

Russell, A. (2010). Vicarious trauma in child sexual abuse prosecutors. Center Piece 2(6). Retrieved from https://www.zeroabuseproject.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/02/39255836-centerpiece-vol-2-issue-6.pdf.

911 Dispatchers

Trauma within law enforcement is talked about often along with how to combat the stresses faced on a daily basis. First responders stereotypically consist of medical personnel, police, fire, corrections and the military. A handful of states have recently passed legislation to include 911 dispatchers in the first responder classification due to post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) that is commonly diagnosed in the field. “According to the DSM-5, the essential feature of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) is “the development of characteristic symptoms following exposure to one or more traumatic events” (American Psychiatric Association)

Dispatchers spend 10 hours a day answering your calls for help on what is possibly the worst day of your life. They hear the tremble in your voice as you hide while someone is breaking into your home; they hear your screams while you try to revive your family member or friend after they have been injured or killed; they hear your cries when your infant stopped breathing or your mommy and daddy are physically fighting; they play detective by pinpointing your location with nothing but screams in the background or while you were stranded on the river; and they have talked you out of suicide until help arrived. The amount of trauma faced by local dispatchers is enough to stoke fear, anger, distrust, and mental fatigue.

 In module 3 of Forensic Behavior Analysis, the notion that forensic psychologists may have an allegiance to an agency or patient, is not limited to forensic psychologists. Many dispatchers face their own personal fears, through someone else, every day, and even several times a day. As a former dispatcher, I often felt an allegiance to the caller I was trying to help. Their safety was my priority as long as I was in contact with them. Once law enforcement arrived on scene, the officer’s safety became my priority and I had an allegiance to them, to protect them and guide them.

There are many risks that factor in to how PTSD will affect a dispatcher. For example, a dispatcher who has experienced sexual trauma at some point in their life will, in fact, take a sexual assault 911 call during their career. Calls like this often-led dispatchers to comfort the victims and cater to them versus building that barrier that is needed. “While the protocols can be useful for guiding dispatchers through stressful situations, in other circumstances, they can cause pain and discomfort when a dispatcher can tell that a situation is hopeless. Dispatchers are not trained to deal with each unique case differently; they are expected to follow through with the routine questions regardless of circumstances” (Muller, 2017). In many cases, the situation is helpless and all the dispatcher can do is keep the caller calm until help arrives. This feeling, alone, is enough to bring a dispatcher to their lowest point.

In an effort to promote self-care, law enforcement agencies have become increasingly aware of the trauma their personnel face and provide one-on-one counseling, group therapy and a healthy number of vacation hours each month. But to be honest, I don’t know a single dispatcher that doesn’t love going to work each day and helping the community they serve.

References

American Psychiatric Association: Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (Fifth). (2013). American Psychiatric Association. 

Muller, R. T. (2017, September 21). Trauma Exposure Linked to PTSD in 911 Dispatchers. Psychology Today. https://www.psychologytoday.com/us/blog/talking-about-trauma/201709/trauma-exposure-linked-ptsd-in-911-dispatchers. 

From Gigolo to Spree Killer: The Tragic Life of Andrew Cunanan

Andrew Cunanan grew up in San Diego, California who seemed to be on his way to success.  He was the youngest of four children and considered to be the white sheep of the family.  When he was in the third grade, Cunanan had an IQ of 147, making him incredibly bright for his age.  As a teenager, he was accepted into The Bishop’s School, which was considered one of the top college preparatory schools in the country.  After graduating high school, he enrolled at the University of California-San Diego, where he majored in American History.  Cunanan seemed to be on his way to success.  So how did a bright student end up becoming a spree killer?  I believe his traumatic upbringing, rejection by loved ones, hatred towards the gay community, and obsession of becoming rich and famous contributed to his demise.

Upbringing and First Betrayal

Andrew Cunanan was born on August 31, 1969, in National City, California.  While growing up, his parents told him that he’s more special and deserving than others and that someday he will be rich and famous.  His parents were subservient and submissive to his needs so he can have the high-class lifestyle they wanted for him.  They bought him a sports car, gave him the master bedroom, and let him have his own bathroom (Pearson et al., 2018).  However, his parents’ marriage deteriorated after his mother, Mary Anne, suffered chronic depression due to the verbal abuse from his father, Modesto.  Andrew coped with the trauma at home by telling classmates outlandish tales of his perfect life and bragging about how rich his family is. Fantasy played a role in helping Cunanan cope with the domestic problems he was having at home.  He would read novels, comic books and tell tall tales about how perfect everything was with his family (Crime & Investigation, 2009).

In 1988, when Cunanan was 19, his world was shattered after his father abandons the family.  Modesto, a stockbroker, fled to the Philippines after being suspected of embezzling $100,000.  He took almost all the money the family had and sold the house from under them (Cipriano, 2019).  During the same year, Cunanan spent more time partying at gay clubs, which his mother disapproved of.  During an argument with his mother over his gay lifestyle, he threw her against a wall and dislocated her shoulder.  In 1989, Andrew dropped out of school and moved to the Castro District of San Francisco, a center for LGBTQ culture.

I think that Andrew’s violent behavior against his mother was due to social learning through observing his father abuse his mother.  Social learning theory suggests human behavior is “based on learning from watching others in the social environment. This leads to an individual’s development of his or her own perceptions, thoughts, expectancies, competencies, and values.” (Bartol & Bartol, 2021, p. 106).  By observing abusive behavior from an authoritative figure, he grew up learning that aggressive behavior was acceptable against his mom and probably against others.

I also think Modesto abandoning the family traumatized Andrew, which may have contributed to his pathological lying as a way to cope with rejection.  Some pathological liars lie in order to gain sympathy (Cipriano, 2019).  In addition, after observing the verbal abuse his mother endured and the depression she suffered, Cunanan coped by lying to others about how rich his family was and creating a fantasy world for himself.  However, his stories became so unbelievable that he was known to be a pathological liar (Mantziou, 2006).  Cunanan also lied about his poor social background and true identity so he can associate himself with wealthy older men in the gay community and live the high-class lifestyle he wanted.

Obsession With Being Rich and Famous

While in college, he focused on targeting wealthy older gay men at nightclubs and parties in California so they can provide for him as sugar daddies.  He hid his poor social background from these men and created a false identity of wealth and privilege.  He was obsessed with being accepted in high society and by wealthy people, even if it meant lying about his true identity.  He also spent time selling himself as a prostitute targeting older and wealthy gay men and developed a good reputation among them.  He was known to idolize Gianni Versace since he was a rich and famous gay man with a luxurious lifestyle.  Cunanan claims to have met Versace in San Francisco, although this has not been confirmed.

Rejection By Loved Ones

In 1995, Cunanan identified himself as Andrew DeSilva to Norman Blachford, who was a wealthy gay man, and the two later moved in together.  Blachford supported Cunanan by buying him a car and gave access to his credit cards so he can buy whatever he wanted (Pearson et al., 2018).  However, in 1996, Blachford ended their relationship when he tracked Cunanan’s spending habits and discovered that he was not Andrew DeSilva, the son of a pineapple plantation owner he claimed to be.  By this time, Cunanan lost his most supportive sugar daddy and no longer living the luxurious lifestyle he wanted.

In 1996, his boyfriend David Madson broke off the relationship with him, crushing Cunanan.  Madson was someone Cunanan loved very much, but Madson wanted nothing to do with him.  Cunanan’s friend, Jeffrey Trail, also broke off his friendship because he was tired of Cunan’s lying and erratic behavior.  At one time, Cunanan asked Trail to join him to sell drugs, but Trail refused (Kosin, 2018)   Both Madson and Trail moved away from Cunanan and relocated to Minneapolis, which devastated Cunanan.

Cunanan has experienced abandonment by people he loved to include his father, sugar daddy Blachford, ex-boyfriend Madson, and ex-friend Trail.  These multiple rejections may have traumatized Cunanan, leading him to feel depressed, insecure, lonely, and vulnerable, which paved the way for his killings.

Hatred Towards Gay Community

In 1997, Cunanan believed he was HIV positive and expressed his fears to a counselor.  However, an autopsy on Cunanan proved that he did not have HIV.  After believing he may be infected, it’s possible he may have developed a hatred towards wealthy gay men for doing this to him.  This hatred may have been part of why Cunanan targeted Gianni Versace since he symbolized the successful gay celebrity.

Murders Begin

In April 1997, Cunanan traveled to Minneapolis, Minnesota, to meet with Trail and Madson to discuss rekindling their relationship.  However, they have no intention of getting back together with Cunanan.  On April 27, 1997, Cunanan called Trail to come over to Madson’s apartment and when Trail enters, Cunanan beats Trail to death with a hammer in front of Madson.  Madson and Cunanan stay in the apartment for two days.

On May 3, 1997, Madson’s body was found on the shore of Rush Lake in Minnesota.  They were at the shore talking inside Madson’s jeep when Madson jumped out of the vehicle and ran away.  Cunanan shot him in the back, turned him over, and shot him in the head.

On May 4, 1997, Cunanan drove to Chicago, Illinois, and killed Lee Miglin, a prominent real estate developer.  Cunanan bound Miglin with duct tape, stabbed him 20 times with a screwdriver, then cut his throat with a hacksaw (Dibdin, 2018).  After the killing, Cunanan took Miglin’s Lexus and drove to New Jersey.

On May 9, 1997, Cunanan killed William Reese, a caretaker at a cemetery in Pennsville Township, New Jersey.  Cunanan took William down to the basement and shot him in the head.  It was believed that Cunanan killed Reese just so Cunanan can take his truck since the Lexus was being tracked by the police through its phone.

On July 15, 1997, Cunanan killed Versace in front of his mansion in Miami Beach, Florida.  Cunanan shot Versace twice in the head with the same pistol he used to kill Madson and Reese.  Afterward, Cunanan ran away to a nearby parking garage.

On July 23, 1997, Cunanan committed suicide.  There was a massive manhunt with about 1,000 agents looking for Cunanan throughout the country (Dibdin, 2018).  He hid in a houseboat and shot himself in the mouth with the same pistol he used to kill Madson, Reese, and Versace.

Jealousy

Jealousy seemed to play a big part in some of his murders.  Not only was Cunanan hurt after being rejected by Trail and Madson, but he was also jealous of them.  They were both successful professionals, while Cunanan’s career was not.  In fact, Cunanan never really held a steady job since he survived off of sugar daddies and as a prostitute.  Plus, their families accepted their homosexuality, but Cunanan’s family did not.  Cunanan was also jealous of Versace, who was seen as an icon for the gay community.  Versace was a rich and successful gay celebrity, which is what Cunanan wanted to be but could not.  Due to the rejection and jealousy of these individuals, it’s possible this is why Cunanan killed them.  However, some believe that Cunanan killed Versace in order to gain fame and notoriety by killing a celebrity.  So even if Cunanan could not be rich and famous through legitimate means, at least he’ll be famous for killing Versace.

Spree or Serial Killer?

A number of psychologists consider Cunanan a spree killer, while others categorize him as a serial killer.  Which one was he?  A serial murder is one where one or more individuals kill two or more victims in separate events (Rousseau, 2021). Criminologists have used three or more victims to define serial murders, while the FBI lowered the victim count to two or more.  The time between serial murders, called the cooling-off period, is usually months or years but may also be days or weeks (Bartol & Bartol, 2020, p. 342).

On the other hand, a spree murder is one where three or more individuals are killed without a cooling-off period, which normally occurs at two or more locations (Bartol & Bartol, 2020, p. 344).

I would consider Cunanan a spree killer mainly because he does not fully meet the definition of a serial killer.  He did kill two or more victims in separate events with a cooling-off period since he stayed in Miami for two months before killing Versace.  However, serial murders are premeditated and planned, and the offender usually selects victims with specific characteristics such as age, hair color or occupation (Bartol & Bartol, 2020, p. 344).  In most serial murders, there’s a similarity in how the victims are killed.  However, for Cunanan’s murders, there is no pattern.  He killed Trail with a hammer out of rage and Madson by pistol after he ran away.  Miglin was tortured to death while Reese was shot simply over his truck.  Versace’s murder was planned and premeditated, but the other murders seemed more like targets of opportunity, which is why I would identify him more as a spree killer.

Was Cunanan a Psychopath?

Cunanan never underwent a psychological evaluation so we may never know for sure.  However, he did exhibit some behavioral features of a psychopath but not all.  Cunanan has been described as glib and superficial since he used his charm and good looks to seduce older gay men.  He was also an entertaining conversationalist who told unlikely but convincing stories about himself in a positive light believing that the world revolved around him.  He exhibited early behavior problems since he started pathological lying at an early age by claiming his parents were rich and telling outlandish stories about himself, which continued as he got older.  He was known as an intelligent con man.  He was a chameleon since he was a master of disguise and deception.  Not only could he change his outer appearance, but he used different names.  For each of his murders, he showed little remorse or guilt and showed a lack of empathy.  He lacked responsibility since he never held a steady job.  All the money he received was from his parents, sugar daddies, and prostitution.

Based on his characteristics, I would say he possibly suffered from antisocial personality disorder (APD).  APD is a disorder characterized by a history of continuous behavior in which the rights of others are violated (Bartol & Bartol, 2020, p. 210).  This term is used by mental health professionals to describe “a pervasive pattern of disregard for, and violation of, the rights of others, occurring since age 15” (Bartol & Bartol, 2020, p. 210).  This definition is followed by seven additional criteria, any three or more of which must be met, such as repetitive lying, impulsiveness, and disregard for the safety of others (Bartol & Bartol, 2020, p. 210).  Cunanan was impulsive with his killings, a pathological liar, and had no regard for the safety of others. In addition, while APD by definition always involves criminal behavior, not all psychopaths are criminal, and not all criminals are psychopaths (Bartol & Bartol, 2020, p. 210).  Cunanan exhibited criminal behavior with his murders which ranged from bludgeoning Trail with a hammer, to torturing Miglin and shooting Madson, Reese and Versace.  Based on this definition, Cunanan probably satisfies the criteria for APD.

Conclusion

As a child, Cunanan was told by his parents that he will grow up to be rich and famous and that he was more privileged than others.  He also grew up traumatized watching his father abuse his mother, which led to him creating fantasies for himself and developing a reputation as a pathological liar.  He was overly obsessed with being rich and famous, even if it meant lying his way up the social ladder so he can live a high-class lifestyle through wealthy sugar daddies.  Cunanan ended up believing he contracted HIV, which led to him later developing a hatred towards the gay community.  He was also the center of attention wherever he went and couldn’t accept rejection.  However, he was rejected multiple times by people he loved, which led to his killing spree.

After murdering multiple people, he planned his final kill against Versace with the intent of turning into somewhat of a celebrity himself.  By murdering someone rich and famous, this made him feel important.  The act of taking a celebrity’s life dampened the pain of his reality, which was that his boyfriend rejected him, his father abandoned him, and he never became a member of high society, which has always been his dream.  Versace’s life represented everything Cunanan hoped to be but was not.  By taking Versace’s life and committing suicide after, this made Cunanan feel empowered and assured his place in infamy since he will be remembered forever as Versace’s killer.

References:

Bartol C., & Bartol A. (2020). Criminal Behavior. [VitalSource Bookshelf]. Retrieved from https://bookshelf.vitalsource.com/#/books/9780135618813/

Cipriano, A. (2019, March 15). Andrew Cunanan: An In-depth Profile of The Versace Killer. The Crime Sheet. https://www.thecrimesheet.com/post/andrew-cunanan-a-profile-of-the-versace-killer

Crime & Investigation. (2009). Andrew Cunanan - Famous Criminal - Biography - Page 1 of 2 - Crime And Investigation Network. Crime & Investigation Network. https://web.archive.org/web/20090709185826/http://www.crimeandinvestigation.co.uk/famous_criminal/6/biography/1/Andrew_Cunanan.htm

Dibdin, E. (2018, March 1). A Complete Timeline of Andrew Cunanan’s Murders. Harper’s BAZAAR. https://www.harpersbazaar.com/culture/film-tv/a15842736/andrew-cunanan-murders-gianni-versace-timeline/

Kosin, J. (2018, February 14). What Really Happened When Andrew Cunanan Murdered Jeff Trail and David Madson. Harper’s BAZAAR. https://www.harpersbazaar.com/culture/film-tv/a16753109/jeffrey-trail-david-madson-murders-andrew-cunanan/

Mantziou, C. (2006). Crime Classification Manual (A standard system for investigating and classifying violent crimes). Academia. https://www.academia.edu/13271399/Crime_Classification_Manual_A_standard_system_for_investigating_and_classifying_violent_crimes_

Pearson, M., Dubreuil, J., & Valiente, A. (2018, March 8). Inside the mind of the serial killer who murdered Gianni Versace. ABC News. https://abcnews.go.com/US/inside-mind-serial-killer-murdered-fashion-icon-gianni/story?id=48459029

Rousseau, D. (2021).  Module 6 Lecture Notes. Boston University.

Evil is Not Born

We have come a long way since the days we gathered around to witness the execution of evil, or so it seems. We have spent so much time and money in hopes of understanding the human brain and for the most part, we were successful in gathering information, yet it does not seem we accomplished much with this success. Our nation, with only five percent of the world's population, contains twenty-five percent of the world's inmates. Have the criminals of the world migrated to the U.S. ? or are we in desperate need of a change?

We focus more on how we can label an individual in hopes of healing them, yet after the labeling process is done we lock them up only to repeat the cycle with the next generation of evil. When does one's behavior cross the line from being a criminal to becoming evil? With the first theft? Rape ? or murder? Or is it remorse, that indicates an evil soul? Serial killers are commonly referred to as evil yet there is a debate between how they have become evil. Was evil developed or were they born with it? The age-old question of nature vs. Nurture is brought up yet again. “Not all abused children become serial killers, and not all serial killers are victims of childhood abuse.” (N. Davies, 2018)

Is the second part of that statement entirely true? Ted Bundy, Commonly referred to as an evil psychopath is typically used as an example of one who was born evil and did not become evil due to his circumstances. This conclusion was made, due to Bundy’s reported “normal” childhood. However, it does not seem we have enough information on this matter. Bundy’s mother conceived him at a young age. She was sent to have her baby elsewhere and came back after delivery. There have been reports that Bundy’s mother did not initially come back with Bundy, rather decided to keep Bundy after a few months of abandoning him. Bundy was later told his mother was his sister and that his grandfather was his father. Bundy’s biological grandfather was reportedly violent and abusive. Also, there have also been reports that Bundy's mother attempted to abort him and was unsuccessful, which could have caused physical damage.

There is a strong possibility that Bundy had suffered trauma “Childhood trauma physically damages the brain by triggering toxic stress. Strong, frequent, and prolonged, toxic stress rewires several parts of the brain, altering their activity and influence over emotions and the body.”( J. Purnomo, 2020) There are also reports that Bundy was a fan of alcohol. While it's doubtful, alcohol caused the murders, is it possible that he actually drank to feel less? And does that imply, he did feel guilt? Based on biological, situational, and developmental factors, it seems he could have developed his evil behavior over time rather than being born evil. The more important question becomes, do we have the need to believe humans are born evil because the alternative is too horrific for our minds to digest?

References:

Bartol, C. R., & Bartol, A. M. (2021). Criminal behavior: A psychological approach. Boston: Pearson.

Cullen, F. T., Agnew, R., & Wilcox, P. (2018). Criminological Theory: Past to Present (Sixth ed.). New York: Oxford University Press.

From Abused Child to Serial Killer: Investigating Nature vs Nurture in Methods of Murder

https://www.psychiatryadvisor.com/home/topics/violence-and-aggression/from-abused-child-to-serial-killer-investigating-nature-vs-nurture-in-methods-of-murder/

Wired for Danger: The Effects of Childhood Trauma on the Brain

https://www.brainfacts.org/thinking-sensing-and-behaving/childhood-and-adolescence/2020/wired-for-danger-the-effects-of-childhood-trauma-on-the-brain-101920

School Shootings and the New Challenge

SCHOOL SHOOTINGS AND THE NEW CHALLENGE

November 14, 2019 was a Thursday. It was around 7:40 am.  As a homicide detective, one gets used to getting calls about tragic situations. The phone call was from a partner advising me there was a shooting happening at the high school ten minutes from my house. My partner was on his way there to find his child. My neighbor worked at the school. I have driven by the school weekly, and now it was a crime scene. Upon my arrival, the situation was chaotic. Parents were desperate to find their children. Law enforcement personnel from numerous agencies were pouring into the staging area to assist. Numerous helicopters circled overhead. Ambulances and fire personnel responded to the scene where children were screaming and crying. Backpacks and papers were strewn everywhere on campus. Three students were dead, three more were injured. Not here, not in my hometown.

Research indicates that school shootings in the United States outnumber all other countries combined (Bartol, 2021). That is not the kind of statistic any country wants to lead in. Like the majority of prior school shootings, the perpetrator of this shooting was a current student. Most school shooters have been bullied or socially ostracized at school (Bartol, 2021). This student wrote stories about being picked on. The offender in this shooting possessed several of the descriptive characteristics common among school shooters. He was male with above average grades and no history of mental illness. He was raised in a middle class, suburban neighborhood and had easy access to guns. He acted alone, but he did not tell or alert anyone of his intentions.

The typical political and news cycle followed. Non-stop coverage of a school shooting event. Experts were pontificating about the profile of the shooter. Political activists were using the issue to advocate for their agenda. Leaders engaged in hand wringing and virtue signaling which was followed by legislation couched with ambiguous and ineffective language.

Researchers can gather data on these tragic events and report that most of schools that suffered shootings with multiple victims were made up of a majority-white student body (Rowhani-Rahbar, 2019). Research can also provide the percentages of weapons of choice by the offender (Rowhani-Rahbar, 2019). But what is missing from these evaluations is a remedy.

After one school shooting, some researchers assembled and came up with a possible solution that did not rely primarily on gun control legislation. Not that some effective regulation might not make a difference, but with millions of firearms already inside U.S. homes, alternate measures had to be considered.

The researchers argued for school shootings to be approached like a public health issue (Astor, 2018). What these academicians came up with was in some respects the opposite of what one would expect. Instead of making schools a harder target, they advocated for a softening of schools. This idea comes at a time when there has been a rise in incivility on campus and a systemic coarsening in the overall environment. This concept revolved around lowering the climate within the school. This involves having more counselors and psychologists on campus as well as improving the communication between the adults and the students (Astor, 2018).  This plan also included more collaboration between the school and community mental health resources (Astor, 2018).

Another aspect of the public health approach leaned on prior research. Scholars surmised that identifying students with trauma in their backgrounds might mitigate in-school violence (Astor, 2018). Researchers reached back to the Kaiser Medical Center’s research on adverse childhood experience (ACE) and realized there was a correlation between students with higher ACE scores and negative health consequences, including high-risk behavior (Felitti et al., 1998). Some of the experienced adversity Kaiser researchers considered were under the rubric of abuse, neglect and household dysfunction (Felitti et al., 1998). The goal of softening a school’s profile, in addition to lowering the climate on campus, was to learn more about the students so as to place higher risk students in touch with community resources in an attempt to alleviate unhealthy outcomes. This area needs to be a priority as students are now going back to in-person classroom study.

It is hard to believe that 22 years after the Columbine high school shooting that the phenomenon still persists. School shootings are now an area of constant concern for educators. Administrators now have to balance student safety with academic achievement as their priority. School is supposed to be academically challenging, socially enjoyable and a time for personal growth. Students should not have to deal with the element of fear mixed in with their daily routines.

School shootings can have a traumatic effect on survivors (Rowhani-Rahbar, 2019). Almost two years after the school shooting in Saugus, California, one of the survivors I interviewed was diagnosed with PTSD. I am still in contact with his father and have learned that his academic performance has also suffered. The student is applying to colleges now and has expressed interest in becoming a psychologist. There is hope.

The challenge to American schools is now to make them safer and more effective. Part of that solution must rely on lowering the temperature on campuses and facilitating better relationships between students, teachers and mental health professionals. As we look ahead, educators must utilize their creative prowess and meet this challenge. The potential loss of civility and to the American education system is too high if they fail.

Works Cited

Ali Rowhani-Rahbar MD, P. (2019). School Shootings in the U.S.: What is the State of Evidence? Journal of Adolescent Health, 683-684.

Bartol, C. R. (2021). Criminal Behavior: A Psychological Approach (12th Ed.). Boston, MA: Pearson.

Ron Avi Astor Ph.D., G. G. (2018, February 28). Call for Action to Prevent Gun Violence in the United States of America. Retrieved from University of Virgina Youth Violence Project: https://education.virginia.edu/prevent-gun-violence

Vincent J. Felitti MD, R. F. (1998). Relationship of Childhood Abuse and Household Dysfunction to Many of the Leading Causes of Death in Adults. American Journal of Preventive Medicine Vo. 14 (4), 245-258.

Gender-Responsive Programming: Maternal and Child Health Policies & Programs for Female Offenders

This post serves as a review of Pendleton et al.’s (2020) research article, Corrections officers’ knowledge and perspectives of maternal and child health policies and programs for pregnant women in prison, as well as additional research and empirical literature on gender-responsive programming for female offenders within the carceral setting.  In the past three decades, the number of women placed in prison and jails has increased more than 750%, which is a rate twice as high as men (Equal Justice Initiative, 2020). Dr. Rousseau argues that to “foster effective policy and programming,” it is imperative to recognize the diverse nature of prison populations. Further, asserting that the national rate of women’s incarceration has been rising drastically since the mid-1990s and early 2000s because of a shift to mass incarceration and a focus on punishment over rehabilitation (Rousseau, 2021).  Despite the alarmingly high rate of women entering the carceral settings, many state and federal institutions severely lack gender-responsive programming to serve female offenders. As the female prison population has grown, Pendleton et al. (2020) note the growing need for gender-responsive policies and programs in carceral settings, including the development and implementation of programs that meet the unique needs of pregnant women in prison.

Perhaps most concerning is the limitation of services offered to pregnant inmates. Pendleton et al. (2020) assert that the United States has the largest population of incarcerated women globally, with 112,000 women housed in federal or state prisons and an additional 110,000 in jails (Pendleton et al., 2020). While national data regarding pregnancy is not routinely collected, recent studies argue that 3.8% of newly admitted women are pregnant, with nearly 1,400 women giving birth every year while incarcerated (Pendleton et al., 2020).

One of the more controversial practices against pregnant inmates is the use of shackles and restraints during labor and the birthing process. Of the more than 225,000 women incarcerated today, only 15% of them are housed in federal prison, where they are protected under the new federal prohibition on using restraints during pregnancy, labor, and postpartum recovery (Equal Justice Initiative, 2020). Ultimately, according to medical experts, the use of shackles poses a significant safety risk, including “the potential for injury or placental abruption caused by falls, delayed progress of labor caused by impaired mobility, and delayed receipt of emergency care when corrections officers must remove shackles to allow for assessment or intervention” (Equal Justice Initiative, 2020, 3). Furthermore, a 2017 report published by the American Psychological Association (APA) argues that the use of restraints during the transport of women to prenatal care and labor can obstruct necessary medical care. The risk of restraining female offenders is exacerbated during labor when the use of shackles can lead to an unnecessary amount of physical pain and increase the chance for complications due to the mother’s inability to move freely (Equal Justice Initiative, 2020).

Further, physicians have noted the increased difficulty, and, on occasion, their inability to “administer epidurals due to restraints, and in one documented case, a woman restrained during labor experienced a hip dislocation that caused permanent deformities and pain, stomach muscle tears, and an umbilical hernia” (Equal Justice Initiative, 2020, 4).  In addition to the traumatic and painful physical effects, incarcerated women experience severe mental distress, with restrained women reporting depression and anguish, as well as the exacerbation of pregnancy-related mental health problems, including postpartum depression and post-traumatic stress disorder (Equal Justice Initiative, 2020). This is especially concerning according to the psychiatrist, Dr. Terry Kupers, who argues that incarcerated women have a greater propensity to have suffered from childhood traumas; and the experience of being shackled “can increase post-traumatic symptoms caused by prior experiences of trauma. This re-traumatizing experience, he said, ‘makes conditions like post-traumatic stress disorder much worse’” (Equal Justice Initiative, 2020, 7). This is supported by Pendleton et al. (2020), who asserts that “medical contraindications to the use of restraints include interfering with balance and increasing the risk of falls, causing delays during medical emergencies, limiting mobility which can make labor more difficult, and impeding mother and infant bonding” (Pendleton et al., 2020, 2).

Regarding the comparison to male inmates, Dr. Rousseau argues that women in prison have a higher likelihood of having a history of physical or sexual abuse. Further, they are usually the primary caretakers of young children or may even be pregnant when entering the criminal justice system or suffering from postpartum depression (Rousseau, 2021). Similarly, women entering the criminal justice system are at a heightened risk of facing serious mental illness in comparison to their male counterparts: “A larger percentage of women are diagnosed with major depression and anxiety disorders, especially PTSD. A majority of women in the system (up to 70%, possibly even more) report a history of abuse as a child or adult” (Rousseau, 2021, 4.5). Similarly, Kupers’ (1999) book “Prison Madness: The Mental Health Crisis Behind Bars and What We Must Do About It” argues that since a “significant proportion of women prisoners were sexually abused as children, and quite a few of this group have substance abuse problems, it is not surprising to find that many are depressed” (Kupers, 1999, 23). Ultimately, Kupers (1999) argues that the themes of “childhood abuse, domestic violence, drugs, and depression are omnipresent in the stories of women prisoners who suffer from serious psychiatric disorders” (Kupers, 1999, 24).

Despite the mounting and robust evidence of the danger to the mother and child, 23 states do not have laws prohibiting the use of shackles for incarcerated pregnant women, despite most women serving time for nonviolent offenses. A 2019 study suggests that pregnant incarcerated women are shackled far more often, finding that “83% of perinatal nurses who cared for incarcerated women during pregnancy, or the postpartum period reported that shackles were used on their patients sometimes to all of the time, and 12.3% reported that their patients were always shackled. In a third of cases, the only reason cited for shackling was adherence to a rule or protocol” (Equal Justice Initiative, 2020, 9).

Ultimately, while the same study found that corrections officers (COs) often assert that unrestrained incarcerated women pose flight or public safety risks, the APA argues that there is no record of escape for any unrestrained incarcerated women (Equal Justice Initiative, 2020). The role of the CO is significant to determine gender-responsive strategies for pregnant women. As the largest occupational group within prisons, COs have unique perspectives on the success of gender-responsive strategies. Pendleton et al. (2020) assert that despite the COs’ responsibility of monitoring pregnant women in prison, as well as during labor and birth, their knowledge and perception of maternal and child health (MCH) policies and practices are largely unknown.

As such, in response to the lack of empirical research on prison COs’ knowledge on MCH programs, as well as the impact of such policies on COs’ primary job responsibility of maintaining safety and security, Pendleton et al. (2020) conducted a mixed-methods study “to understand COs’ knowledge and perceptions of programs and policies that support pregnant women in prison, with a specific emphasis on understanding COs’ perceptions of the [Minnesota Prison Doula Program (MnPDP)], a unique MCH program at the prison in which the research was conducted” (Pendleton et al., 2020, 3). Doulas are trained “companions” who support incarcerated pregnant women. While a handful of states employ doula programs, Pendleton et al. (2020) examined the MnPDP, which provides weekly parenting classes and one-on-one doula support to incarcerated women. Many prison systems, including Minnesota, do not allow family members or friends to attend the birth of an incarcerated women’s child; as such, Pendleton et al. (2020) argue that doulas are individuals who are “trained and experienced in childbirth who [provide] continuous physical, emotional, and informational support to the mother before, during and just after the birth,” doulas provide in-person support that pregnant women in prison cannot receive from family members or friends during labor and delivery” (Pendleton et al., 2020, 2).

The Pendleton et al. (2020) study was conducted with COs in the MnPDP through an online survey and in-person interviews to gain comprehensive qualitative and quantitative data. COs reviewed their knowledge and perspectives on policies available to pregnant women at the prison and whether policies had changed over time. The study’s findings add to the growing body of evidence that implementation of doula programs in carceral facilities have “CO support and may reduce job demands and stress for COs” (Pendleton et al., 2020, 9). Ultimately, the findings from this study suggest that MCH policies and programs for pregnant women also benefit COs by “reducing role conflict [which] may lead to higher CO approval and willingness to implement” (Pendleton et al., 2020, 9). For instance, 84% of COs agreed that the prison “provides the same standard of care or better care for pregnant offenders as the care non-incarcerated women would receive” (Pendleton et al., 2020, 4). Further, 34% of COs disagreed that “pregnant women should not be treated any differently than other women in prison,” and 76% disagreed that pregnant women should be restrained during labor and delivery (Pendleton et al., 2020, 4).

From the in-person interviews, the following five themes were derived from the comments made by COs:

“1) COs recognized that pregnancy poses a unique challenge to maintaining professional boundaries in prison; 2) COs perceived the prison doula program as benefitting pregnant women, infants, and their own work as COs; 3) Lack of training about the prison doula program made COs’ jobs more difficult; 4) COs had positive perceptions of the policy prohibiting the use of restraints on pregnant women in addition to concerns about policy implementation; 5) COs’ expressed varied perceptions of health services available to pregnant women” (Pendleton et al., 2020, 5).

COs also recognized that pregnancy poses a unique challenge to maintaining professional boundaries, as isolation from social support, as well as the lack of physical comforts, and separation from their infants can result in difficult conditions for women. The disconnect between empathy and professionalism was expressed by one officer, who noted that “there’s a natural barrier for me, where I can’t empathize with the offenders past a certain point, past a point that for me feels like a breach of professionalism” (Pendleton et al., 2020, 6). Similarly, another CO stated, “Anybody with any compassion wants to do something for her ‘Can I get you anything? Can I do anything?’, but in our job capacity we, I, shouldn’t be doing anything” (Pendleton et al., 2020, 6). Ultimately, the challenge to COs to remain professional is mitigated by MCH programs that include doulas. Doulas provided support to pregnant women outside of the COs’ job responsibilities, which dually allowed inmates to be supported while the COs maintained public safety.

Despite the aforementioned benefits of MCH programs and policies, there are noted limitations. For instance, many COs have argued that the lack of training on prison doula programs has created unnecessary difficulties in performing their job responsibilities. There is a significant lack of formal training: “COs stated that they had no knowledge of, or input into, the prison doula program when it began at the prison in 2010. Most COs expressed surprise or confusion regarding their first interactions with doulas” (Pendleton et al., 2020, 7). Ultimately, the lack of training added “awkwardness, uncertainty, and stress at the hospital” (Pendleton et al., 2020, 7) Additionally, there is a lack of formal systems in place for COs to identify pregnant women, which creates an issue when adhering to policies regarding pregnant inmates, especially those in early stages of pregnancy where it is harder to identify their condition. Regarding the restraint of pregnant inmates, the COs expressed that policies that prohibited the use of restraints “met women’s unique physical needs and did not interfere with COs’ role in maintaining security” (Pendleton et al., 2020, 8). As such, a beneficial future avenue for policy considerations would be to account for more comprehensive and informed training protocols for COs regarding MCH programs.

The study also noted that COs with a longer tenure recalled that prior to the implementation of MCH programs, many women lacked the emotional and physical support during labor and delivery that the prison doula system offers. The COs asserted that the doulas provided the “physical, emotional, and psychological support that women in labor needed while allowing COs to remain focused on their primary job responsibility of maintaining security, which reduced role conflict” (Pendleton et al., 2020, 9).

Ultimately, while the MCH programs offer gender-responsive programming for women inmates, they also raised ethical considerations. For instance, Pendleton et al. (2020) argue that some research has illustrated that prisons employing “enhanced MCH policies and programs may have a protective effect on certain clinical pregnancy outcomes, such as infant birth weight,” with COs arguing that the care available is of “higher quality compared to the availability of services in the community” (Pendleton et al., 2020, 10). Pendleton et al. (2020) argue that focusing solely on protective factors with prison MCH programs fails to address the broader social and structural health implications affecting the marginalized communities: “The reality is that many prisons in America have become de facto social service providers due to inadequate mental health, substance use, and social services available to marginalized pregnant women in the community” (Pendleton et al., 2020, 10). As such, viewing prisons as “protective” subsequently disregards the history of reproductive control and coercion experienced by racial and ethnic minority women.

Therefore, Pendleton et al.’s (2020) research asserts that COs’ perspectives should be incorporated into the creation and evaluation of MCH programming. As such, MCH programs have shown to improve conditions for both COs and incarcerated women. The study calls for future research to carefully study incarcerated pregnant women’s perspectives of the services they need, as well as community-based alternatives to incarceration. Pendleton et al. (2020) argue that to reduce the challenges that COs experience, implementing future MCH programs and policies with “robust training and opportunities for CO input will help ensure that programming optimally supports all key stakeholders” (Pendleton et al. 2020, 11). Finally, community-based programs that enter carceral spaces to “deliver MCH programming, such as prison doula programs or parenting support groups, may consider having a CO ‘champion’ within the facility to provide CO perspective and have a point person to help lead trainings” (Pendleton et al., 2020, 11). Ultimately, integrating COs’ views into the development and implementation of MCH programs and policies in prisons may improve facility safety and promote better maternal and child health.

References:

Daniel, R. (2019). [Picture of Statistics on Women in Prisons and Jails in 2017] [Digital Image]. Prison Policy Initiative. https://www.prisonpolicy.org/blog/2019/12/05/pregnancy/

Equal Justice Initiative. (2020, December 02). Shackling of pregnant women in jails and PRISONS continues in the United States. Retrieved April 24, 2021, from https://eji.org/news/shackling-of-pregnant-women-in-jails-and-prisons-continues/

Kupers, T. A. (1999). Chapter 1: The Mentally Ill Behind Bars. In Prison Madness The Mental Health Crisis Behind Bars and What We Must Do About It (pp. 9-38). San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass.

Pendleton, V., Saunders, J. B., & Shlafer, R. (2020). Corrections officers’ knowledge and perspectives of maternal and child health policies and programs for pregnant women in prison. Health & Justice, 8(1), 1-12. Retrieved April 24, 2021, from https://link.springer.com/article/10.1186/s40352-019-0102-0

Rousseau, D. (2021, April 06). Module 4 Study Guide. Blackboard. [Lecture notes].

Shine, N. (2016). [Picture of shackled pregnant inmate] [Photograph]. People Demanding for Action. https://www.peopledemandingaction.org/benefits-kitchen/item/491-new-jersey-lacks-law-addressing-shackling-of-pregnant-inmates-because-gov-christie-wouldn-t-sign-it

Sufrin, C. (2019). [Picture of Statistics on Pregnant Women in U.S. Prisons] [Digital Image]. John Hopkins Medicine. https://www.hopkinsmedicine.org/news/newsroom/news-releases/first-of-its-kind-statistics-on-pregnant-women-in-us-prisons

Retraumatized: the long-term consequences of victim blaming

An article I recently read disgusted me to my core. Although the case is still under litigation and additional details are pending release, the article discussed how a teenage rape victim is being blamed for allowing the attack to happen, with “contributory negligence, assumption of risk, contributory fault and/or culpable conduct” (Fonrouge, 2021) attributed to the victim, a 14-year-old student at New Rochelle High School in New York. According to the article, the victim was allegedly “raped in a stairwell by a fellow classmate who had been bullying her for two years,” with the attacker choking and violently assaulting the victim “while she repeatedly said ‘no’ as a security guard stood close by” (Fonrouge, 2021). The alleged attack, which occurred in January 2020, was also caught on camera. The article did not mention any factors indicating the victim was a willing participant or which would have made her responsible for the attack.

In March 2021, the victim sued the high school, claiming they should have done more to protect her, since at the time of the rape, the alleged rapist was already being investigated for his involvement in another sexual assault of a classmate, yet was still allowed to attend classes on campus. Although the alleged rapist was arrested and charged as a juvenile, the school’s insurance company ascribed blame to the victim, while defending the school, stating there was “no negligence, fault or culpable conduct” (Fonrouge, 2021) on their part. After heavy backlash, a representative for the school district blamed the insurance company for the alleged victim blaming, but unfortunately, damage has already been done to the victim, potentially changing the way she is perceived by her peers, the community, the judicial system and even by herself.

Victim blaming and victim shaming is a concept that is destructive, inflicting additional trauma to the victim and potentially preventing future victims from speaking out. However, it is an action that is seen every day in the media, which almost normalizes the behavior. It has been estimated “that approximately 18% of women in the United States have been raped at some point in their lifetime” (Bartol & Bartol, 2021, p. 404-405), although the “actual rate of rape is grossly underreported” (Rousseau, 2021, Module 5, p. 14). With numerous hurdles already in place preventing rape victims from coming forward, the additional trauma caused by victim blaming undoubtedly leaves many victims wondering if the risk is worth the reward in coming forward or pressing charges, especially knowing the trial process can be long and arduous and often with minimal consequences. Additionally, “a victim may feel that by going to trial, her sexual history will be known to the world—which could cause embarrassment or even make her feel more to blame for the sexual assault” (Rousseau, 2021, p. 15). Many victims have also indicated their experience with the law enforcement and judicial system have been more traumatizing than the initial event, referring to it as another assault (Rousseau, 2021, Module 5, p. 14).

According to research, “more blame is attributed to rape victims when they are intoxicated, resist an attack less, have a closer relationship with the perpetrator, and wear revealing clothing” (Dawtry et al., 2019, p. 1269). For example, in the case of Brock Turner, an ex-Stanford swimmer convicted of sexually assaulting an unconscious woman, he barely received any substantial consequences, yet the victim’s name was dragged through the mud. Blame was shifted to the victim, questioning everything from her sexual history, the amount she drank, what she ate that day to what she was wearing, with blame even directed to her friends, asking why they left her alone. Instead of attributing full blame to Turner, questioning why he decided to sexually assault someone, the victim faced an avalanche of scrutiny, seemingly blaming her for the assault, instead of the offender. In one of the most powerful victim impact statements I have ever read, the victim spoke candidly about the effect the assault had on her life, in addition to the blame she unfairly received (Baker, 2016). She stated, “You made me a victim. In newspapers my name was ‘unconscious intoxicated woman’, ten syllables, and nothing more than that. For a while, I believed that that was all I was. I had to force myself to relearn my real name, my identity. To relearn that this is not all that I am. That I am not just a drunk victim at a frat party found behind a dumpster, while you are the All¬ American swimmer at a top university, innocent until proven guilty, with so much at stake. I am a human being who has been irreversibly hurt, my life was put on hold for over a year, waiting to figure out if I was worth something” (Baker, 2016).

Societal perception regarding rape has been developed and conditioned over time, with many widely accepted rape myths “serve to deny and justify male sexual aggression against women” (Lonsway & Fitzgerald, 1994, p. 134). While rape myths “vary across cultures and societies, they consistently involve blaming the victim, exonerating the perpetrator, expressing disbelief over claims of rape, and believing that only certain types of woman are raped. Such beliefs have real-world consequences, and may manifest in jury verdicts, public policy, and interpersonal reactions toward victims” (Dawtry et al., 2019, p. 1269). The impact of victim blaming has numerous real-life consequences, for both the victim and the societal perception. Furthermore, while victim blaming is commonly seen in cases of sexual assault, it is also being seen more frequently in cases involving police brutality. I have been noticing a shift where the victims of police brutality are put on trial instead of the perpetrator, having their past actions, potential criminal history and alleged unwillingness to comply presented as reasons justifying police use of force. The trend is disturbing and damaging, and the impact of normalizing detrimental behavior is damaging to everyone involved.

References

Baker, K. J. M. (2016, June 3). Here's The Powerful Letter The Stanford Victim Read To Her Attacker. BuzzFeed News. https://www.buzzfeednews.com/article/katiejmbaker/heres-the-powerful-letter-the-stanford-victim-read-to-her-ra#.caxXXyWGK.

Bartol, C. R., & Bartol, A. M. (2021). Criminal behavior: a psychological approach. 12^th Edition. Boston: Pearson.

Dawtry, R. J., Cozzolino, P. J., & Callan, M. J. (2019). I Blame Therefore It Was: Rape Myth Acceptance, Victim Blaming, and Memory Reconstruction. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 45(8), 1269–1282. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167218818475

Fonrouge, G. (2021, April 20). New Rochelle High School blamed girl for her own rape, lawyer says. New York Post. https://nypost.com/2021/04/20/new-rochelle-high-school-blamed-girl-for-her-own-rape-lawyer-says/.

Lonsway, K. A., & Fitzgerald, L. F. (1994). Rape myths: In review. Psychology of Woman Quarterly, 18, 133–164.

Rousseau, D. (2021). Module 5 Study Guide [Notes]. Boston University Metropolitan College.