CJ 725 Forensic Behavior Analysis Blog
How ordinary people become Monsters or Heroes
“…we know how easy it is for good people to become evil, but the question is: can ordinary people be inspired and trained to be everyday heroes? The answer is yes!” (TEDXROMA,2017)
Forensic psychology and criminology include a wide array of different topics regarding criminal behavior. From juvenile delinquency, substance abuse and criminality, intimate partner and family violence, mentally ill incarceration, special courts and jail diversions programs, to psychopathy, sexual assault and harassment, multiple or mass murders and modern terrorism. What do they all have in common? They all are committed by a single or multiple perpetrators. And why these people commit such cruel and terrible crimes? Experts study the underlying causes of these unlawful acts by trying to understand the biological-genetics factors, along with developmental and social factors that interact together in triggering criminal behavior. When considered in proportion, a history of trauma seems be an important predictor of such delinquent conducts. Often, we discover that the most ferocious serial killer was severely abused during childhood or that the social system completely failed to support him/her. Hence, this starts a sort of “self-fulfilling prophecy”, a vicious cycle in which the victim become the perpetrator. This reminds me of the Aileen Wuornos’ case. That was a perfect example of both infancy trauma and social failure. In fact, research highlighted the fact that delinquent’s women are more likely to have been abused in the past (Convington & Bloom, 2008). Of course, this is not always the case. There are some criminals that do not seem to have any traumatic experience, but rather a physiological and neurobiological predisposition. Let’s think for example about the criminal psychopath, with unemotional callous traits, lack of empathy, manipulative and violent inclinations (Hare, 2000). However, is there something more than trauma and biology that play a role? Is maybe human nature? Are we all both good and bad at the same time? Can we all become perpetrators in the right circumstances? How far our moral engagement and altruism go when we feel in danger or threatened?
As Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn says, "The line between good and evil cuts through the heart of every human being” (in TEDXTALKS, 2008). From a psychology non-conformist perspective, human nature is egoistic and antisocial, hence we needed to create social rules to avoid to prevaricate on one another (Hirschi, 1969). On the contrary, for social learning theorists, humans are basically “social creature”, whose nature is neither bad or good (Bandura, 1973). Hence criminal behavior, may initially be acquired by observation and association, but maintained only if reinforced (by internal or external stimuli) (Bandura, 1973). Within this framework, others argued that the key to understand human aggression and violence is in the power within the “system” (Haney, Banks &, Zimbardo, 1973). According to Zimbardo, the system creates the situation that corrupts the individuals, and the system is the legal, political, economic, cultural background (Zimbardo, 2007). In this context, the Lucifer’s effect involves understanding human character transformations through the interplay of two factors: the situation and the system. In relation to the deinviduatization of aggression theory, Zimbardo also argued: “Many people, perhaps the majority, can be made to do almost anything when put into psychologically compelling situations—regardless of their morals, ethics, values, attitudes, beliefs, or personal convictions” (1973, p. 164).
To conclude, in order to combat the “psychology of evil”, is necessary to promote prosocial behavior and individual responsibility (Zimbardo, 2007). This is when the concept of “Banality of Heroism” come into play (Zimbardo, 2007), namely promoting heroic imagination especially in the educational system. How can we apply this concept? Zimbardo created the Heroic Imagination Project (HIP), with the mission of training ordinary young people around the world in how to become effective change agents (Zimbardo, 2011). He says:
“We want kids to think, "I'm a hero in waiting, waiting for the right situation to come along, and I will act heroically” (TEDXTALKS, 2008).
http://https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oMMhgJ_Vpwk
REFERENCES:
Bandura, A. (2001). Social cognitive theory: An agentic perspective. Annual review of psychology, 52(1), 1-26.
Bloom, B., & Covington, S. (2008). Addressing the mental health needs of women offenders. Women’s mental health issues across the criminal justice system, 160-176.
Franco, Z. E., Blau, K., & Zimbardo, P. G. (2011). Heroism: a conceptual analysis and differentiation between heroic action and altruism. Review of General Psychology, 15(2), 99.
Haney, C., Banks, W. C., & Zimbardo, P. G. (1973). A study of prisoners and guards in a simulated prison. Naval research reviews, 9(1-17).
Hirschi, T. (1969). A control theory of delinquency. Criminology theory: Selected classic readings, 289-305.
TEDXTALKS (2008, February). TED Talks-The psychology of evil. Retrieved from:
https://www.ted.com/talks/philip_zimbardo_on_the_psychology_of_evil
TEDXROMA (2017, May). Creating a new generation of youth super heroes | PHILIP ZIMBARDO. Retrieved from: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oMMhgJ_Vpwk
Zimbardo, P. G. (2007). Lucifer Effect. Blackwell Publishing Ltd.
Zimbardo, P. (2011). Why the world needs heroes. Europe’s Journal of Psychology, 7(3), 402-407.
Cyntoia Brown and Legal Challenges in Sex-Trafficking Cases
One of the outstanding injustices and human cruelties drawn to our attention this semester was the matter of young girls who are sex-trafficked, in the US as well as internationally. This was especially palpable in a documentary entitled "A Path Appears," a documentary examination by NYT journalist Nick Kristoff of the impacts of poverty on women, including US sex trafficking (Nicholas Kristoff and Sheryl Wudunn, 2015, 270 minutes). Trafficked women frequently have experienced extensive amounts of background youth trauma, and sexual, emotional and physical abuse; and traffickers also tend to go after the most vulnerable women and girls, particularly those who are young, depressed, addicted, alone, insecure, homeless, and impoverished. The women's involvement in the sex trade subjects them to further physical, sexual and emotional abuse; makes them more likely to become addicted to drugs and alcohol; and heavily increases their vulnerability to contracting sexually-transmitted diseases. Moreover, as the law frequently targets those selling sex rather than those buying it, trafficking often quickly involves the women in the CJ system, as offenders, something that further blights their future opportunities for extraction from the trade, work, housing and education.
Recently, the case of a 24-year-old woman, Cyntoia Brown, has drawn national attention to girls who are sex trafficked in the US, and their individual tragedies. Brown's case was brought to national attention by a tweet from Kim Kardshian, following Daniel Birman's 2011 PBS documentary of her case, "Me Facing Life: Cyntoia's Story" (http://www.pbs.org/independentlens/films/me-facing-life/). Cyntoia, who was pimped by a man named "Cut Throat" in Tennessee when she was 16-years-old, was tried and convicted for first-degree murder in 2006, and sentenced to life after shooting to death a 43-year-old man who had picked her up for sex (she admitted to the shooting). She is eligible for parole after 51 years (at age 68). Kardashian offered to find Cyntoia legal support to fight her appeal, though this is unlikely to be effective: her case is currently at the PCR stage (Post-Conviction Relief), having already been denied on appeal. PCR cases are notoriously difficult to win, and conviction vacations in first-degree murder cases are incredibly rare. Cyntoia was defended by 2 public defenders, one of whom had extensive homicide trial experience. Her background of extensive childhood trauma - including physical and sexual abuse - was argued by her lawyers in her defense. Like many states, Tennessee permits life-sentences for teens who are convicted of first-degree murder, and Cyntoia's case came to the bench prior to the 2012 Miller v. Alabama decision, which prohibits mandatory life sentencing of juveniles in homicide cases, although it could be retrospectively reviewed under those criteria.
One of the tragedies of trafficked women in the justice system is that the law has no provisions for such cases. A review of the PCR documents in the case show that the evidence was clearly present for a conviction (unlike how the media have portrayed it). The victim, Allen, picked Brown up at a hotel for sex, and offered for her to sleep at his home. When they returned to his home, he showed Cyntoia some guns in his possession, and proceeded to try to have intercourse with her. Waiving her Miranda rights during interview, Cyntoia claimed his behavior of reaching beneath the bed made her fearful that he would shoot her, so she shot him with a handgun she had in her purse. However, according to court documents, Allen was found shot in the back of the head, lying face down, his hands interlocked beneath him, without defensive wounds. His truck had been stolen, along with his money, and two of his guns. When the police located his vehicle, this led them to Cyntoia, who was arrested at a hotel with her pimp, "Cut Throat" (https://www.scribd.com/document/365102446/Cyntoia-Brown-court-documents#download). Allen was killed with a gun that did not belong to him, and Cyntoia had admitted to shooting him.
While forensic psychology speaks to why a young, traumatized girl like Cyntoia, who was being trafficked and effectively abused by both her pimp and her clients, might kill a man for her pimp (an inference which could be drawn from the facts of the case), the law has no provisions for a trauma-motivated murder. The definition of first-degree murder depends upon "thinking and doing," and it is not hard to see how a jury could have construed Cyntoia's behavior as "thinking and doing." The women who killed for Manson were convicted on the same basis, irrespective of their background of trauma and abuse and brainwashing by Manson. The law acts on the supposition that a person acts on their own initiative and judgment, and has a an understanding of "reasonable behavior" (unless they are insane, a legal bar rarely effective in front of a jury, even in clear cases of immense mental impairment), and hence is responsible for their own actions. There is no provision for how a person's judgement may be influenced by their past and present trauma, and hence the case of Cyntoia Brown - who is very likely to remain in prison, despite her lawyer's arguing for the influence of Fetal Alcohol Syndrome in the impairment of her judgment - shows the great challenge of recognizing the reality of trauma and circumstance in legal judgements.
How Do School Shooting Affect Society?
Newtown, Columbine, Jonesboro and Olivehurst are just a few of the locations that witnessed the catastrophe of school shootings. According to Centers of Disease Control and Prevention’s website (2016), the second leading cause of death among children between the age of 5 and 18 is “homicide”. Data shows that 1% to 2% of these cases take place on school properties, or on the way to or from them. Losing even a single life is one too many.
Children, parents, and school staff are all affected by a school shooting. These affects could be behavioral, physical or mental, and the results include, but are not limited to anxiety and fear about safety of self and others; changes in school performance, difficulty with authority; redirection, or criticism; emotional numbing by re-experiencing the trauma through nightmares (NCTSN, 2008). Not only that, but sadly any kid who witness a school shooting has a striking 77% chance of suffering post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), which is a mental disease triggered by a terrifying event (Takeda, 2012). According to Beland and Kim (2015), there has been a significant reduction in the enrollment of students to grade 9, as well as a significant reduction in the standardized test results of two subjects (Math and English).
A school shooting can also affect parents—mostly psychologically—according to Sharf (2013), who stated that surviving children and their parents, who already face a swarm of feelings that include shock, rage, and unhappiness, may develop PTSD. In a study prepared by Turunen (2014) on children that were taken hostage in a Russian school in Beslan back in 2004, and their parents, the results showed that both children and parents had a high level of post-traumatic stress symptoms (PTSS). In addition to parents, school staff can also be affected by a school shooting. In a study by Newman et al. (2004) on the school shootings at West Paducah, Kentucky, and Jonesboro, Arkansas, they came to the conclusion that school staff who witnessed a school shooting would suffer from several negative long-term consequences, including, but not limited to, illness, divorce, PTSD, and career change.
Some people think that hiring armed guards is the answer to feeling safe, and others think that arming the school staff themselves is a much better idea. These all are ineffective solutions which are difficult to implement, as such there is no easy solution. One of the most powerful solutions that could be provided by the parents themselves to help keep their children safe during a school shooting, would be to talk to their children about shootings, and to provide some tips on what to do in such event. Examples could be telling them to ask for help by calling the police, instructing them to hide under the table, and locking the door. A child psychologist might also help to relieve any concerns ensuing from the discussion. In addition, schools should perform drills on school shootings, and work side-by-side with the law enforcement authorities to establish easy communication lines. Finally, gun laws should be strengthened, making it more difficult to own a gun legally than it is currently; in my opinion, the main reason for school shootings is the easy access to guns.
Please remember to always stay safe, watch your surroundings, and pay close attention to those you communicate with. The below video is a short video prepared by Sandy Hook Promise Organization to teach us that "Gun Violence is Preventable When You Know The Signs".
References:
Beland, L. P., and Kim, D. (2015). The Effect of High School Shootings on Schools and Student Performance. Retrieved from http://faculty.bus.lsu.edu/papers/pap15_05.pdf
Centers of Disease Control and Prevention. (2016). School-Associated Violent Death Study. Retrieved from https://www.cdc.gov/violenceprevention/youthviolence/schoolviolence/SAVD.html
NCTSN. (2008). Psychological and Behavioral Impact of Trauma: Elementary School Students. Retrieved from https://www.isbe.net/Documents/trauma-elementary.pdf
Newman, K. S., Fox, C., Harding, D. J., Mehta, J., & Roth, W. (2004). Rampage: The social roots of school shootings. NY: Basic Books.
Sharf, S. (2013). Survivors and their parents may develop post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). Anxiety.Org. Retrieved from https://www.anxiety.org/#about-us
Takeda, A. (2012). PTSD in Kids: The Lasting Trauma of School Shootings. Everyday Health. Retrieved from https://www.everydayhealth.com/emotional-health/0301/ptsd-in-kids-the-lasting-trauma-of-school-shootings.aspx
Trauma-Informed Care For Women
This post is derived from the following peer-reviewed work: Miller, N., and L. Najavits. (2012). Creating trauma-informed correctional care: A balance of goals and environment. European Journal of Psychotraumatology, 3, DOI: 10.3402/ejpt.v3i0.17246.
Research Summary: Miller and Najavits note that “rates of posttraumatic stress disorder and exposure to violence among incarcerated males and females in the US are exponentially higher than rates among the general population; yet, abrupt detoxification from substances, the pervasive authoritative presence and sensory and environmental trauma triggers can pose a threat to individual and institutional stability during incarceration” (2012). As such, Miller and Najavits explored the challenges and potential benefits of trauma-informed correctional care to suggest strategies for administrative support, correctional staff development and educational opportunities, and institutional stability. This team found that trauma-informed correctional care demonstrated promise in “increasing offender responsivity to evidence-based cognitive behavioral programming that reduced criminal risk factors and in supporting integrated programming for offenders with substance abuse and co-occurring disorders” (2012).
Assessment of Findings: The work by Miller and Najavits accurately highlighted the trauma that is experienced by many prisoners before and during incarceration. Their work is a particularly interesting framework in which to examine the trauma experienced by women before and during their incarceration. For instance, many women are a witness to violence, experience sexual abuse (either as a child, adult, or both), and/or intimate partner violence. These experiences may help to pave the road to engaging in criminal behavior by increasing their risk to engage in violent behavior, use illicit substances, and/or engage in petty criminal activity to support themselves in the absence of being able to maintain a 9-5 job.
Once incarcerated, women may be especially susceptible to continuing to experience psychological distress and trauma by fellow inmates, harsh corrections staff, and their withdrawal from substances. For instance, women that have experienced intimate partner violence where they felt that the partner was dominant may have ongoing psychological distress from the corrections and guard staff that are not trained in trauma-informed care and can’t recognize that their tactics may exacerbate many problems for inmates. Take a look at the following video from the New York Times (in partnership with Netflix) which shows much of the trauma that women experience in jail...focusing on the first few days and weeks. (If the URL doesn't work or the video doesn't play, it may be accessed here: https://paidpost.nytimes.com/netflix/women-inmates-separate-but-not-equal.html).
The video does a great job of detailing the issues specific to women in prison. For instance, the trauma that they may experience by being removed from their families—especially young families—may compound experiences that they had prior to entering the criminal justice system. So, what can be done? Well, the first thing that must be addressed is training. Corrections staff must be able to identify when trauma-informed corrections care is needed. Even when not explicitly reported by an inmate, staff may be able to pick up on makers of trauma during the intake process or through daily routines. Once the need for care is identified, these women should receive counseling, any necessary medications, and they should be cared for by corrections staff of the same gender that have some training in crisis intervention and, of course, trauma informed care. Lastly, these women should receive some additional support to help ensure that their family life can be maintained through augmented visits or access to phone calls on a more frequent basis. Ideally, when these women leave the criminal justice system, they will have been able to address their trauma issues and their rehabilitation will decrease recidivism.
Correctional Officers Stress
During week four, I expressed on a unique and personal story I had about an old friend of mine who work as a juvenile dentition officer. To summarize the story, while working as a juvenile correctional officer he encountered a 15-year-old detainee who had severe mental problems. On one occasion, this detainee decides to place his own fecal matter on himself; to prevent the detention officers from grabbing him and help him in any form from what he was about to do next. From there the young man attempted to hang himself. Afterward, officers rushed in the effort to prevent the suicide attempt. At first officers were hesitant in the efforts to assist the detainee, due to his smearing of the fecal matter on himself. But, due to the professionalism of these officers, they were able to overcome this hesitation and prevent the detainee from committing suicide. A few weeks after this transaction the individual turned in his resignation letter, stating the occupational strain were just too much to overcome.
This story got me thinking about the possible occupational strains correctional officers must face. Regrettably, I don’t have any firsthand knowledge on the matter, thus I did some research on possible correctional stressors. So, I would like to just talk about the possible occupational strains many of our correctional officers may face.
Correctional officers are faced with several occupational risk factors, since they house a population of inmates with the task of providing public safety and encouraging offender rehabilitation. Long term occupational stressors may lead an individual towards the feelings of being burnout. In turn, the employee will feel a sense of decreased organizational commitment and lower association towards productivity. For example, it is estimated that 37% of correctional officer’s experience some sort of work-related strain leading towards exhaustion; compared towards the 19% to 30% within the general working population. (Finney, Stergioupoulos, Hensel, Baonoto, & Dewa. 2013)
So, what are the causes of the emotional work-related strain? The three occupational tensioners are: organizational stressors, vocational stressors, and exterior system stressors. (Finn, Pg12-16. 2000) First, organizational sources relate towards overcrowded facilities, understaffing, and supervisory demands. (Finn, Pg12-13. 2000) From 1990 to 1995, the ratio between correctional officer towards inmate population rose from 4.2 to 4.6. (Finn, Pg12. 2000) Within the same time frame the nation’s correctional officer population only increased by a total of 14%. (Finn, Pg12. 2000) Forcing many facilities to enforce mandatory overtime for officer and unpredictable rotational shifts as well. (Pittaro, 2015) This lead many officers to the emotional clash of role uncertainty and confliction. (Finn, Pg13. 2000)
Second, the vocational source of stress relates towards threat and/or action of inmate violence, prisoner demands and manipulation, and problems with coworkers. (Finn, Pg13-14. 2000) As a result of the criminal subculture the concentration of prison gangs has increased. (Finn, Pg12. 2000) Therefore, it is only natural that the number of altercation between inmates and correctional officer increase per year within the State and Federal prison system. (Finn, Pg12. 2000) To illustrate, between 1990 and 1995, the number of prison attack on correctional officers increased by nearly one-third. (Finn, Pg12. 2000) Per one superintendent, the prison gang population is not afraid of assaulting staff members today; they don’t mine if they end up in segregation. (Finn, Pg12. 2000) Reason being, many of inmates are already serving an extended prison sentence, so they don’t fear any additional punishments. (Finn, Pg12. 2000)
Finally, exterior sources of stressors refer towards poor public image and poor pay. (Finn, Pg15-16. 2000) Per the U.S. Bureau of Labor, the range salary for a correctional officer in 2011 was in between $27,000 to $69,610, with an average annual salary of $43,550. Unfortunately, due to the political pressure many municipalities are facing, many of them are cutting their annual correctional budge spending per year. Meaning the average annual salary for a correctional officer will not be moving up any time soon. And according towards the U.S. Bureau of Labor, its estimated that by the year 2020 an additional 26,000 correctional officers will be needed.
Peter Finn wrote a book titled: Addressing Correctional Officer Stress: Programs and Strategies. Finn details the importance of stress reliving program within the Counties, States, or Federal correctional system. Within the book he elaborates on my key states and their programs. For example, Rhode Island family service society, California counseling team, Massachusetts stress unit, Oregon peer support program, and Texas post trauma staff support program. (Finn, Pg20. 2000) Finn also stresses the secondary aspect these stress reliving programs have on the overall system. For instance, they release some of the financial burden many of the municipalities carry over sick time leave abuse, high turnover rates, and union relations. (Finn, Pg6-7. 2000)
References
1. Finney C, Stergioupoulos E, Hensel J, Baonato S, & Dewa C. (January, 2013). Organizational Stressors Associated with Job Stress and Burnout in Correctional Officers: A Systematic Review. Copyright: BioMed Central LTB.
http://bmcpublichealth.biomedcentral.com/articles/10.1186/1471-2458-13-82
2. Finn, P. (December 2000). Addressing Correctional Officer Stress: Programs and Strategies. Copyright: U.S. Department of Justice: National Institution of Justice.
https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/183474.pdf
3. Pittar, M. (2015). Stress Management Strategies for Correctional Officers. Copyright: In Public Safety.
http://inpublicsafety.com/2015/01/stress-management-strategies-for-correctional-officers/
Female Juvenile: A Special Group of Individuals
Female youth are a special group of individuals with special needs. The author of "Private Pain and Public Behavior", Robin A. Robinson, proposes that a closer look into how a female delinquent defines their action will reveal a different type trauma that should be addressed. She proposes the current juvenile justice system functions under the mentality that juvenile offenders need to be controlled and reformed while females warrant a different response, especially by the court. Robinson (2000) argues that "girls had gained the offender label based on unlawful actions, effectively relegating to lesser important other experiences and moments" (p.79). During her research, Robison found their behavior to be a dominant theme of the effects of physical and sexual abuse. Many were abused by close family members of whom they trusted. "Girls faced with such personal and family characteristics may act in ways that hurt mostly themselves, such as sexually acting out, drug and alcohol use and other potential self-destructive actions including suicide attempts, running away, truancy and law breaking (p.78). This special group of females require services aimed at building them up in opposed to policy that further labels the youth causing them to feel helpless and alone as if no one cares.
The majority of girls from Robinsons' study were not comfortable with telling people about the abuse. They felt a sense of guilt and shame, often blaming themselves for the actions of others. Robinson associates this with a struggle of one of two kinds of powerlessness, true powerlessness and intermediate powerlessness. "True powerlessness, including behavioral manifestations over which the girl has no control or ability to change and intermediate powerlessness which exist in temporary situations that the girl can change once she escapes the abusive situation or makes a decision to act in some way that makes sense to her given her life circumstances" (p.82). With limited choices, the only action that gave them a sense of relief were those that were no appropriate for female minors. Once caught in the system, they are further labeled in a way that places the blame solely on the individual, therefore becoming a losing situation.
When addressing female delinquency, I think it is in the best interest of the juvenile to try to better understand what causes female youth to engage in deviant behavior. Robinson (2000), suggest "the secrecy of abuse feeds the effects of the abuse, encouraging self-stigmatization" (p.91). Such experiences that cause trauma early on warrants access to a specialist trained in the area of female sexual abuse or, at the least female delinquency as it is such a unique phenomenon that requires special attention.
Reference
Robinson, R. "Private Pain and Public Behaviors: Sexual Abuse and Delinquent Girls". Juvenile Delinquency: A Justice Perspective, 4th Ed, 2000, pp. 77-94.
Trauma, Mental Health, and Female Offenders
The approach to mental health care of offenders has, in recent times, been recognized as defective for the fact that the mental health needs of males and females differ yet are addressed using a model based off of studies and research conducted using men as the sample population. This is an issue in need of addressing as female juvenile offenders have higher rates of mental illness than male juvenile offenders, they are more likely to suffer from “internalizing” mental disorders such as depression and anxiety while males have higher rates of “externalizing” disorders like ADHD and conduct disorder.
Even offenses are indicative of this difference: delinquency studies show that delinquent acts committed by girls are usually less chronic and serious, minor offenses being predominant among them such as running away from home, but they are a major component of girls’ delinquency and it has been shown that girls who are chronic runaways have significant levels of sexual and physical victimization documented suggesting that their offense behavior, while not appearing serious, is a symptom of victimization at home which in turn makes them vulnerable to subsequent victimization and involvement in further offenses such as prostitution, survival sex, and substance abuse (Zahn et al 2010; Cauffman 2008). Given that girls account for the majority arrests for running away (59%) and for prostitution and commercialized vice, this is an important component that needs to be addressed and may well be ignored in the current model of addressing mental health and trauma (69%) (Cauffman 2008). This is well supported by a Canadian report from the Task Force on Federally Sentenced Women which stated that approximately 60-90% of federally sentenced women had been physically abused and 50-60% had been sexually abused.
With the fact that the majority of research into treatment is based on male offenders who comprise the majority of the criminal population as the first hurdle, the second is the lack of trust towards the criminal justice system. With juveniles held in state-owned or operated facilities reporting double the rates of staff sexual misconduct compared to those held in locally or privately operated facilities, the reason for this can be understandable. While females are more likely to be forced into sexual activity by a fellow inmate, those who were victimized by staff more often than not reported multiple incidents – 1 in 5 reported 11 incidents. Obviously whether female only facilities or co-ed facilities, both have problems that need to be addressed so that mental health and trauma issues are not compounded by fellow inmates and staff.
The third and final hurdle that needs to be addressed is the focus of the medical model in forensic psychology on mental illness over trauma. This means that the focus of psychology is on assessing, diagnosing, and treating major mental illness and substance use disorders with a mandate of providing treatment and community management services as well as supporting the reintegration of offenders back into the community and risk assessment along with risk management. This results in greater emphasis being placed on managing the symptoms and risk over understanding the trauma that may have caused their substance abuse and addressing it (Rossiter 2012).
As can be seen, women in the criminal justice system face three hurdles when it comes to properly addressing their mental health and traumas:
- Most research is done using a male sample resulting in policy and program targeted towards the treatment of males
- Correctional facilities can compound trauma through further victimization by both staff and fellow inmates, decreasing trust and cooperation necessary for effective treatment
- The medical model for forensic psychiatry approaches trauma in offenders as secondary to treatment of mental health and substance use disorders, focusing on symptom rather than root cause
Before trauma can be properly addressed, and even during, these three hurdles need to be accounted for to achieve a favorable result in treating both mental health disorders, substance use disorders, and the underlying trauma.
References
Cauffman, E. (2008). Understanding the Female Offender. The Future of Children, 18(2), 119-142. Retrieved from http://www.futureofchildren.org/futureofchildren/publications/docs/18_02_FullJournal.p df
Rossiter, K. R. (2012). Victimization, Trauma, and Mental Health: Women's Recovery at the Interface of the Criminal Justice and Mental Health Systems (Unpublished doctoral dissertation, 2012). Simon Fraser University. Retrieved from http://summit.sfu.ca/item/12490
Zahn, M. A., Agnew, R., Fishbein, D., Miller, S., Winn, D., Dakoff, G., . . . Chesney-Lind, M. (2010). Girls Study Group: Understanding and Responding to Girl's Delinquency: Causes and Correlates of Girl's Delinquency. PsycEXTRA Dataset. Retrieved from https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/ojjdp/226358.pdf
The role of trauma in a relationship between the psychopath and the victim
The environment in which a child is raised play a big role in the creation of a psychopath as well as the victim. According to research, there is always a disconnection or some form of abuse or neglect from parents in the childhood of a psychopath as well as victims of psychopaths who are most likely to be an empath. ‘Primary psychopathic traits in men related to controlling mothers and avoidant attachment’ (Blanchard & Lyons, 2016).
What attracts the psychopath to the empath is the sweet, kind and full of life and willingness to give qualities of an empath in which none of these traits exist in a psychopath.
The psychopath’s way of dealing with their childhood trauma is to suck the life from others because they themselves feel hollow inside. On the reverse, empaths seek out to give love in order to feel worthy of being loved back, and again this traces back to their childhood.
In the book ‘Snakes in Suits-When Psychopaths go to work’ by Robert Hare, Hare mentions the technique in which psychopaths use to manipulate their victims in Chapter 3 and 4.
Hare and Babiak describe the three-phase process of the psychopath in their game of manipulation in which they do it in a very natural and instinctively manner, making them the best liar of all. Psychopaths are addicted to draining energy out of their victims to feel good about themselves, however, the worst of all victims are the spouse or those in a relationship with the psychopath.
Phase 1: The psychopaths would scout for the perfect victim in which they would test their targets for their vulnerability and weaknesses, such as telling a sad story about their lives and observe the target’s response. If the target sympathizes with them, they will continue to evaluation process until they’ve chosen that this is the right target for now.
Phase 2: Once the target has become a potential victim, the psychopath begins to earn their trust through a constant feeding of ‘carefully crafted messages, while constantly using feedback from them to build and maintain control.’ (Anderson, 2006) But in a romantic relationship, the psychopath would use the technique of ‘love-bombing’ as well as earning trust from the potential victim.
Third Phase: This is called ‘the discarding phase’, it is when the psychopath is bored and done with the victim. But as psycopaths are addicted to a constant feed of self-worth and grandiousity, they make sure that they can always go back to their victims so they use a technique called ‘trauma-bond’. Similar to Stockholm Syndrome, a state in which the captive developes a bond with the captivator as a survival strategy during their captivity, the victim in a relationship with a psychopath develops a trauma-bond manipulated by the psychopath. This is achieved by giving attention and love to the victim for a period of days and then disapppear, and when they return they would have an excuse that they use with all their victims (usually vaugue and avoids answering the question in a highly skilled way) or otherwise they would ‘gas-light’ the victim into believe it is the victim’s fault that caused them to disappear. This is a cycle, and the psychopath would gradually increase the amount of days they neglect the victim, making the victim confused, feeling worthless and blaming themselves and awaits the return. In the meantime, the psychopath is already looking around for a new target and once they have found a target that could replace the current, they would just discard the current victim with no explanations.
So how does the victim who have just been discarded from a psychopath cope? It is a very painful and difficult process that requires time for them to really heal and not to jump into a new relationship which can possibly be with either a narcisssist, a psychopath or a sociopath.
Some of the ways in which the victims can heal are;
- Giving self-love as this is very important in the recovery. It is necessary for the victim to feel worthy by themselves without the need for justification from others and especially from the psychopath.
- No contact with the psychopath, if possible change phone number and block the person from all the social network platforms.
- Find hobbies and making new and healthy relationships with others, such as joining support group.
If you are interested in this subject here are some of the books and video links I recommend:
- https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=I3EAh7-bXjk (Jenna Stauffer and Sandra L. Brown on Psychopathy and Pathological Love Relationships)
- ''Snakes in Suits' : When Psychopaths Go To Work', Robert D. Hare & Paul Babiak ( Book, also available as audio book)
References:
- Anderson, D. (2006, june 18). How psychopaths manipulate their victims. Retrieved from lovefraud.com: https://lovefraud.com/how-psychopaths-manipulate-their-victims/
- Bartol, C. &. (2016). Criminal Behavior 'A Psychological Approach' (11th ed.). (11th ed.). Boston: Pearson
- Blanchard, A., & Lyons, M. (2016, Jan). Sex differences between primary and secondary psychopathy, parental bonding, and attachment style. PsycARTICLE, 10 (1), 56-63. Google Scholar.
Burnout and Secondary Trauma among Professionals Working with Children who are Victims of Abuse
A question I want to explore is how a work environment can be structured to minimize the risks of burnout and secondary trauma for professionals who work with children who have been abused. Professionals who are working with child victims of abuse are especially susceptible to secondary trauma and burnout (Salloum, 2015). Secondary trauma is when symptoms that are nearly identical to PTSD are experienced by professionals who are working closely with survivors of trauma (Severson, 2013). One common and false myth about secondary trauma is that it can occur from witnessing an event like a terrorist attack on the news. When incidents similar to this are referred to as ‘secondary trauma’ by some individuals it can de-legitimize the very real symptoms that many forensic psychologists, and others working in the criminal justice field face. Secondary trauma for these professionals is often overlooked and my hope is to propose ideas that could prioritize mental health and aid in preventing the effects of burnout and vicarious trauma among professionals.
An interesting fact that I discovered while researching secondary trauma among professionals who work with survivors of trauma is that the levels of stress, vicarious trauma, and burnout are disputed because various studies have provided completely different results. Some results say that secondary trauma occurs frequently for forensic psychologists who work with sex offenders, or abused children, while others report a positive experience for the same jobs (Franklin, 2013). Future research questions could ask whether secondary trauma and burnout correspond with more than the traumatic events alone, and if the broader work environment and self-care approaches leave a significant impact. Specifically, I want to ask whether burnout is an end result of long time exposure to secondary trauma or if secondary trauma is more common among forensic psychologists who are already experiencing burnout. One limitation to this question is that burnout and secondary trauma are only recently researched topics in criminal justice careers and it might be difficult to differentiate the two since they often occur simultaneously.
Research has indicated that negative experiences from a job may be related to the organization and administration, rather than the aspects of the job that deal with victims or dangerous situations (Perron, 2006). One quote that I want to share comes from a study of the effects of secondary trauma on parole officers for sex offenders:
“The officers consistently indicated that they felt little departmental support in general, “And ugh, dealing with all of that [sex offenders] . . . . the department says they have help for us, but they really do not.” Some officers described negative experiences with departmental supports.”
- Parole Officers’ Experiences of the Symptoms of Secondary Trauma in the Supervision of Sex Offenders, Margaret Severson and Carrie Pettus-Davis
This quote may indicate evidence for the ideas expressed by (Perron, 2006) that burnout and secondary trauma may be preventable by actions taken by the departments and broader workplace.
Many professionals who work with trauma change careers to work in a lower stress environment. Staff turnover rate is especially high for those working with children who are victims of abuse (Salloum, 2015). If there were resources available for approaches to self-care in the workplace, there could also be more experienced and happy professionals helping to keep our communities safer. Some possible solutions to self-care that could prevent burnout could include physical activities, training sessions, group sessions to discuss feelings of secondary trauma and burnout, and empathetic supervisors who are willing to listen to and provide support for professionals working with victims of trauma. One frequent example is free group yoga classes, which is common in law firms, which is another example of a high stress job that can quickly lead to burnout. While suggestions such as group yoga classes and training sessions might be helpful and beneficial, there are also limitations to these approaches when it comes to funding.
An improved understanding of the mental health needs of professionals working with children who are survivors of trauma and an increased emphasis on approaches to self-care in the workplace will benefit more than just the individuals performing this work. This deeper understanding and improvement in approached to secondary trauma and burnout will make professionals better equipped for their difficult jobs, which means they will have better outcomes and will leave a lasting positive impact on the broader community as a result.
References:
Perron, B., & Hiltz, B. (2006). Burnout and Secondary Trauma Among Forensic Interviewers of Abused Children. Child & Adolescent Social Work Journal, 23(2), 216-234.
Salloum, Kondrat, Johnco, & Olson. (2015). The role of self-care on compassion satisfaction, burnout and secondary trauma among child welfare workers. Children and Youth Services Review, 49, 54-61.
Severson, M., & Pettus-Davis, C. (2013). Parole Officers’ Experiences of the Symptoms of Secondary Trauma in the Supervision of Sex Offenders. International Journal of Offender Therapy and Comparative Criminology, 57(1), 5-24.
Trauma-Informed Criminal Justice Professionals
Within our criminal justice system, many individuals both victims and perpetrators have experienced some degree of trauma in their lives. Research reveals that both men and women report a history of traumatic experience prior to an incarceration. Furthermore, incarceration itself if viewed by some as a traumatic experience for the men, women, and juveniles who are incarcerated for breaking society's laws. With this being the case, there has been a recent push for criminal justice professionals to understand the effects of trauma, its signs and symptoms, and how to provide support, rehabilitation, and closure to an individual who has experienced trauma in their life. Being 'trauma-informed' is one way that criminal justice professionals aim to help those who have been impacted by trauma or traumatic events throughout their life.
When criminal justice professionals are trauma-informed, they learn how to interact with individuals who have experienced trauma while being able to protect themselves from danger/harm that the individual who has experienced trauma may try to inflict as a defense mechanism. Criminal justice professionals are then able to better deal with at-risk populations and recognize what trauma looks like. For example, some types of trauma include:
- Sexual Abuse
- Physical Abuse
- Witnessing a Natural Disaster
- Serving in Combat or Being a Victim of Way
- Repeated Abuse as a Child
- Witnessing a Brutal Shooting
All of the above noted stressors that lead to trauma can impact how an individual views the world and molds their intent, trust, and relationships with others as well as criminal justice professionals. If our criminal justice system becomes more trauma-informed, we may be better equipped to address the needs to an individual who has experienced trauma and understand the root of their behaviors, criminal and noncriminal.
Toward Creating a Trauma-Informed Criminal Justice System. (2012, June 06). Retrieved June 19, 2017, from https://www.prainc.com/creating-a-trauma-informed-criminal-justice-system/