The Social Life of African Ajami: Connecting the Grassroots, Mediating the Mundane
By Daivi Rodima-Taylor, Mustapha H. Kurfi, and Fallou Ngom
Grassroots Ajami literacy has been historically high in the communities of West Africa. While often viewed through the lens of its religious historical origins, it is increasingly evident that the use of Ajami scripts in a variety of African languages extends far beyond religious and educational contexts. African Ajami can be observed in a growing multiplicity of secular environments, including interpersonal communication, commercial advertising, street posters, billboards and road signs, political campaign ads, and the insignia of local businesses and services.
Ajami, which is the centuries-old practice of writing other languages using the modified Arabic script, is deeply embedded in local histories and socio-cultural practices, and we suggest that it should be analyzed within such context. Arising from Islamic clerical and educational campaigns of the 15th and 16th centuries, Ajami constituted an early source of literacy for a variety of local languages in Sub-Saharan Africa, including Yoruba, Mande, Wolof, Fula, and Afrikaans. Its history refutes the oft-prevailing claims that Africa lacks written traditions. The downplaying and devaluing of the significance of African Ajami has long characterized Arabic as well as European scholars and administrators of the colonial era, and its legacy still often persists, perpetuating racial stereotypes, limiting political participation, and obscuring ethnographic accounts of local practices and institutions. Systematic attention to African Ajami only started as an effort of African scholars of the post-colonial times.
Having flourished throughout centuries, Ajami has established itself as an important means of communication and a mediator of historical and contemporary knowledge in many areas of Africa where Qur’anic schools have been the primary source of education. Consider the example of Senegal. It is estimated that over 50% of the population of this ‘French-speaking country’ are illiterate in French, and adequate skills in written and oral French largely remain the purview of urban elites. Many ethnic groups of the country, including Wolof, Pulaar, and Mandinka, use Ajami scripts for their written communication. Ajami Wolofal (the language of the Wolof ethnic group) is used for both religious and secular purposes in the local communities, including personal written communication such as private letters, as well as in business records and advertisements of the informal sector.
A mill owner’s advertisement for grinding grains reads: “Ku bëgg wàllu wàlla soqlu wàlla tigadege wàlla nooflaay; kaay fii la. Waa Kër Xaadimu Rasuul [If you want (your grains) pounded or grinded or peanut butter effortlessly; come here. The People of The Servant of the Prophet (Ahmadou Bamba)]”. From: Fallou Ngom, 2015.It is interesting to note that the role of Ajami as an effective tool to reach grassroots communities has not gone unnoticed by large multi-national corporations expanding their business in Africa, as well as by organizers of national and local political campaigns. The adverts of mobile telephony and mobile money services of large telecommunications companies such as Orange S.A. and Tigo of Millicom adorn huge bill-boards on highways and can be found painted on the walls and fences of modest neighborhood shops and kiosks. These photos illustrate the Ajami ads of Orange and Tigo telecoms in the Diourbel area of Senegal where Ajami dominates French literacy. In Diourbel, a majority of important public announcements are first issued in Ajami, and then translated into French for wider national outreach. It is no surprise that companies such as Orange S.A., a French multi-national telecommunications corporation, have understood the economic and social benefits of reaching their consumers in locally accessible and accepted ways.
Shopkeeper’s Ajami advertisement in Diourbel, Senegal, reads: “Fii dañu fiy wecciku ay Qasā’id aki band(u) ak kayiti kaamil aki daa” [Poems, audiocassettes, Quran-copying quality paper and ink are sold here]”. TIGO is a reference to a mobile phone company. From: Fallou Ngom, 2015.The billboard ad for Orange telecom reads in standard Wolof: “Jokko leen ci ni mu leen neexee ak Illimix #250#. Woote (below a telephone icon), mesaas (below the message icon), and enterneet (below the icon @) [Communicate freely with Illimix by dialling #250# to call, send a text message, or access the Internet].” From: Fallou Ngom, 2015.The growing use of Ajami in public life can be observed also in neighboring Nigeria. During the 2019 Nigerian general elections, political posters using Ajami script were widespread among Nupe language speakers in the country, for instance. The Nupe ethnic group is situated in the Middle Belt and northern Nigeria, and are widespread in Niger State as well as in Kwara and Kogi States of the country. The origins of the ethnic group trace back to the 15th century when Nupe formed loose confederations of settlements along the Niger river. Converting to Islam in late 18th century, they retained many indigenous features of social organization and cosmology. Nupe have also historically maintained close contacts with their Yoruba and Fula neighbors, now all part of a large multi-ethnic state.
Below are examples of political campaign posters in Ajami Nupe, collected by Mustapha Kurfi. Nigerian general elections took place in February 2019, with incumbent president Muhammadu Bahari (All Progressives Congress) winning his re-election bid with 55.6%, against the 44.2% of the opponent Atiku Abubakar (People’s Democratic Party). The political posters feature Ajami Nupe use in national and regional political campaign materials.
• A poster published during the 2019 general elections depicts the image of the Presidential aspirant, Muhammadu Buhari, of the All Progressive Congress (APC). The translation of the Nupe Ajami inscription reads “Vote President 2019” and “Let’s vote credible president for positive change.” To the left is the political party’s logo.• A poster published during the 2019 general elections depicts the picture of a Presidential aspirant, Atiku Abubakar, of the opposition party — the People’s Democratic Party (PDP). He eventually lost to Muhammadu Buhari. The translation of the Nupe Ajami inscription reads “Vote President 2019” and “Let’s vote credible president for positive change.” To the left is the party’s logo. The last inscription (in red) says “For president.”• A poster from the 2019 general elections depicts the gubernatorial aspirant in Niger State, Alhaji Abu Sani (Lolo) of the ruling party, APC, who was bidding for the second tern and won. The translation of the Nupe Ajami at the top reads “Vote Governor 2019,” whereas the second line says “Vote Governor for the Progress of the state.”
While Ajami is thus increasingly used as a mass communication tool in the commercial and political life of numerous West African ethnic groups, there is still room for the formal recognition of its central role in mediating the grassroots by African national governments, supra-governmental bodies, and international development actors. And although there exists an increasing scholarly awareness about the importance of studying diverse historical records of African Ajami, few are those who know about Ajami as a fascinating lens into everyday livelihood practices, political struggles, and social imaginaries of many contemporary African communities.
